Thursday, February 17, 2011

UHUNI UTATUMALIZA WATANZANIA!

MAKALA hii ilitumwa kwa gazeti la mwanahalisi via halihalisi06@yahoo.com ikakosa responce, ni bora sasa tuiweke kwenye net ili tushirikishane!

Tukirejea mazungumzo yaliyofanywa na Jenerali Ulimwengu siku UDASA walipofanya kongamano la katiba pale mkurumah hall UDSM kinachoonekana kuisumbua Tanzania ni uhuni ambao kwa bahati mbaya (unfortunate) umelelewa katika ngazi za juu za serekali. Kwa mujibu wa kamusi ya Kiswahili kama ilivyonukuliwa tarehe 26 January 2011 katika tovuti (http://www.kamusiproject.org/en/lookup/sw?Word=uhuni) uhuni umepata majina mbalimbali kama vile vandalism (uharibifu), vagrancy, lawlessness+ disorderly conduct (kutofuata utaratibu), hooliganism, immorality (kutokuwa na maadili) moral decline (kuporomoka kwa maadili) na decadence (uovu).


Uongozi wa umma umekuwa ni ngazi ya watu kujipatia utajiri. Hii inajidhihirisha miongoni mwa maneno ya baadhi ya wanasiasa hao wakisema bila aibu kuwa walijitolea kuacha mambo mengi na kazi nzuri siku za nyuma ili watumikie vyama vyao. Ukiwatazama kwa matendo yao sasa hivi wakiwa kwenye madaraka utagundua kuwa walikuwa wanawekeza na kwamba sasa hivi wanapurura ili kufidia mapengo! Kuchuma kwa jasho ni jambo ya kawaida kwa maisha ya mwanadamu. Tunafanya kazi ili tuweze kumudu maisha yetu. Lakini kwa hawa wenzetu sio hivyo. Wanapurura kwa fujo hadi kujenga jamii ambayo sio endelevu. Unapopopoa embe changa unategemea kesho uje uzipate mbivu kweli? Je ina maana watoto tunaowazaa sasa hivi wasipate elimu bora? Wasipate huduma bora za afya kwa sababu wenye dhamana wameamua hivyo? Je waliotuachia nchi hii kweli pamoja na mazuri yoote walituambia tukitelekeze kizazi kipya? Baba yangu siku zote huwa ananiambia nimpe mtoto wangu malezi bora kama zawadi ya yeye kunilea mimi! Tunatakiwa tuwaachie watoto wetu zawadi na sio mateso!


Pale ambapo uongozi wa umma unamkataza mtu kufanya jambo moja, mfano wizi, na wote tunaelewa wizi ni mbaya, akaja mheshimiwa mmoja akafanya wizi, ilihali akijua kuwa anachofanya si sahihi huyo ni muhuni. Kama nafsi yako inakusuta wakati unatekeleza uhuni ambao kimsingi ukiukaji wa taratibu zilizopo au matarajio ya umma uliokuweka madarakani unakunja sura kidogo na unakuwa an awkward person. Hapa ndipo hata busara huyeyuka, na wananchi wako wakikuuliza basi wewe unawahi kuwasakizia polisi. Bahati mbaya sana hadi sasa hatujaweza kuwa na namna ya kuwabana wezi walio na vibali vya wapiga kura. Tuna TAKUKURU ambayo si huru. Changamoto iliyopo hapa sasa ni jinsi gani wahuni waliopewa dhamana waweza kuenguliwa katika dhamana walizonazo. Tumeona wahuni wakifanya mambo ya kihuni kasha wakapokelewa huko kwao kwa ngoma na sherehe!!


Kwa kiasi mkubwa mtaji wa wanasiasa watawala wetu umekuwa ni umasikini na ujinga uliokithiri miongoni mwa watanzania. Mazingira haya ambayo inawezekana kabisa kuwa yameundwa kwa makusudi na wakubwa zetu ndio yanawafanya wanyonge kuona samaki e wa leo ni bora kuliko wavu wa kuvulia kesho! Makusudi haya ni yanawafanya wakubwa hawa kuendelea kustahili heshima ya uhuni! Tatizo hili haliishi hapa tu na ni kubwa zaidi kwa wasomi ambao wengi wetu tuko kama fisi. Kwa wale waliosoma soma vihekaya hapo zamani watakumbuka hadithi ya mlevi mmoja aliyekuwa anatoka kilabuni. Kuna fisi mmoja alimwona mlevi huyu akitoka kilabuni akitembea akaanza kumfuata nyuma nyuma akitoka udenda ili mkono utakapoanguka tu basi auwahi akajipatie shibe yake. Fisi huyu alisikitika sana mlevi alipoingia ndani mwake na hakuna mkono ulioanguka. Wasomi wa sasa tuko hivyo. Tunajipendekeza kinafiki kwa wenye dhamana wan chi ili tuweze kupata upendeleo mmoja au mwingine. Hapa tumekuwa tayari kusema hata uongo ili tu mambo yetu yaende vyema. Tumesahau kuwa hata elimu tuliyo nayo imegharamiwa na wakulima na wafanyakazi wa nchi hii ambao wengi wao wanashindwa hata kugharamia matibabu yao. Tumewasaliti wakulima na wafanyakazi wa nchi hii. Tabia hii ya unafiki imejijenga sana miongoni mwetu na hata miongoni mwa maafisa wengi wa serekali ambao wako tayari kudanganya, kutumia taaluma zao kutoa ushauri potofu kwa sababu wanazozijua wao wenyewe na hata kukiuka taratibu za kazi alimradi tu wajipatie mradi wao na bwana mkubwa ajue na wao wamo. Jambo hili limejionyesha katika mikataba mbali mbali inayoitia taifa hasara, pale ambapo wataalamu tuliowapa heshima hiyo ya kutuwakilisha wanatugeuka na kukimbilia katika jukwaa mbali mbali kudai kuwa hasara hizi haziepukiki! Huu ni uhuni! Ni aibu kubwa sana unapoona pale wakuu wa polisi raia wanapokubali maagizo ya wanasiasa wahuni waliopoteza dira kwenda kujipa mamlaka ya kuingilia maandamano na kuua raia ambao hawana hatia! Polisi hapa hawawezi kujitakasa na kujiita kuwa sio wahuni! Mbaya zaidi ni pale polisi hawa hawa ambao wanalipwa na kununuliwa zana za kazi na raia wanyonge wa taifa hili wanapoacha kuomba msamaha walau hata kujuta na kujifunza kwa yaliyotokea, wakazana kuhariri mikanda ili kuuhadaa umaa kinyume cha hali halisi. Huu ni uhuni zaidi! Wanasahau kuwa kwa kufanya hivyo wameendelea kutumia rasilimali za taifa ambazo zingeweza kuleta faida zingetumika vinginevyo!

Wakati umefika sasa wasomi tuseme tusimame na tuseme ukweli ili kunusuru taifa letu linaloangamia kwa kasi. Je ni nani alifanya upembuzi wa hasara na faida (cost benefit analysis) akasema kubinafsisha shamba kule Mbarali kunalipa kuliko kuwakabidhi wananchi wajilimie mpunga wao? Je alitafakari kuwa inawezekana kuwa sehemu kubwa ya mpunga huo unapolimwa na mwananchi wa kawaida unapatikana zaidi kama chakula kwa wananchi wa kawaida? Je alitafakari kuwa masikini wakulima wale wakiwa na ardhi yao wanaweza kuwekeza nguvu zao wakajiuzia mchele wakala na ziada wakauza? Sasa wawekeze wapi? Waende kituo cha uwekezaji cha taifa (TIC) wakatafute pahala pa kuwekeza au soko la hisa la Dar es salaam (DSE) wakanunue hisa huko?. Je aliyefanya tathmini hii aliangalia utaifa au alijali maslahi binafsi zaidi? Matokeo yake ni moto wa wananchi kudai chao hadi kufikia pahala pa polisi wanadiriki kumpiga risasi mkulima anayetetea maslahi juu ya ardhi iliyozika vizazi na vizazi vya babu zake? Damu ya mwananchi huyu iko mikononi mwa nani? Mhuni mwanasiasa? Mhuni msomi au Mhuni polisi? Tumeona tena huko Rufiji. Mara hii wananchi wamekataa. Tunaowakabidhi rasilimali zetu ni wawekezaji au majambazi? Uhuni utatumaliza Watanzania!

Tazama tena, hili la shule za kata. Meneja kampeni wa mgombea mmoja wa uraisi alidiriki kusema kuwa suala la ada kwa wanafunzi sio tatizo kwani serekali inatoza shilingi ishirini elfu tu. Je wote tujiulize, je yeye mheshimiwa anapeleka mtoto kwenye shule ya shilingi ishirini elfu? Nini thamani halisi ya shilingi ishirini elfu inapokuja suala la elimu? Ni bora elimu au elimu bora? Leo hii tunaona watanzania walio wengi bila kujali unyonge tulionao tunakimbizana tutafute mamilioni kwenda kusomesha watoto ili angalau wanaporudi nyumbani uone matokeo. Ugharamiaji huu wa elimu unapelekea watu wengi kushindwa kukidhi mahitaji yao ya msingi na hata ya kimaendeleo. Je vijisenti vinavyochezewa chezewa na wakubwa haviwezi kuboresha mazingira hivyo kuwapunguzia makali wananchi. Je mheshimiwa wakati anaongea hilo la kuwa ada ya elimu ni inayowezekana kumudu alisema tu kwa sababu ana mdomo au aliona alilolizungumza ni halali? – je lilipata kibali cha ndani ya moyo wake au ilibidi aikane nafsi yake? Je huu nao sio uhuni? Tunapokazana kukimbilia kulipa DOWANS ambayo uwepo wake ni wa kihuni, na kuwaacha watoto wa wakulima na wafanyakazi kama msichana Salome Samburu wa Chuo Kikuu Makumira akizimia kwa kukosa mkopo wa masomo tunawezaje kujiita kuwa sisi sio wahuni? Je hatujui kuwa kodi inayolipwa na Mzee Samburu ndiyo inayetuwezesha kutimka huku na huko kwenye madhifa tukitumia maV8 tukipigwa na kiyoyozi? Tunasikia raha gani wanafunzi wa kike wanakiri hadharani kuwa bora wao wanajiuza na kufanya maisha lakini sio wenzao wa kiume ambao hawana pa kujiuza? Je vipaumbele vya taifa vinavyowekwa juu chini chini juu havitutunukii shahada za uhuni?

Kuna maswali ambayo hadi sasa ninajiuliza, na nina imani kizazi kipya kitahitaji majibu tu kama sio kwa wakubwa wa sasa basi itakuwa kwetu. Je ni nini kiliua mashirika mazuri aliyoyaanzisha mwalimu? Je ni nini kiliua vyama vya ushirika? Je tunayoyasikia kuhusu DOWANS na TANESCO ni mwendelezo wa yale yale? Hivi kariburi tumesikia kuwa vyama vya ushirika vitafufuliwa tena, tunajipanga vipi kutorudia tulikotoka? Je kwa mwendo huu uwekezaji wa taifa katika maeneo mbali mbali kama Kilimo Kwanza ni salama kiasi gani? Je Kilimo Kwanza na vyama vya ushirika sio DOWANS ya kesho na keshokutwa? Lahaula, kuna mradi wa vitambulisho vya taifa! Majengo na miundombinu inayoinuka hapa na pale, Je nayo haiko kwenye mtiririko huo huo? Mara zote historia hutumika kujifunza sijui kama tunafanya hivyo. Inavyooneka kabisa tukiendelea kwa mwendo huu Tanzania inaweza kuwekwa katika kundi la nchi zisizotaka kuendelea. Kimsingi tumefika mahali ambapo kila uwekezaji wa taifa unahisiwa kuleta maumivu kwa wananchi! Lakini hadi sasa hivi ni nani amewajibika kwa uhuni huu unaoendelea? Ni nani amewajibishwa kutokana na uuaji wa vyama vya ushirika? Mashirika ya umma? Ujambazi unaofanyika kwa kupitia kampuni zisizo na vichwa wala miguu mfano Meremeta, Tanpower na mengineyo? Tunasema majibu wa haya yote yanatakiwa!! Ukweli ni kwamba jamii ya kizazi kinachokuja ambacho kitakuwa kimepoteza fursa kadiri miaka inavyozidi kwenda kitakuja kufurusha watu na mawe. Ni kizazi kinachotaka majibu ya kueleweka kwa maswali watayoyauliza. Sio haya majibu ya kihuni kihuni!


Je dhana ya uwajibikaji kutokana na uhuni au yatokanayo na matendo ya uhuni ipo? Na kama haipo ni kwanini? Hebu tujiulize, tulisikia mahakama ikiomba mabilioni ya shilingi kwa ajili ya kusikiliza kesi za uchaguzi. Hili halipaswi kuishia hapo tu. Je wasimamizi wa chaguzi waliyehusika na kuharibu chaguzi mbalimbali wanafidia vipi hasara waliyosababisha? Kwa maslahi ya nani unamtaja kuwa Fulani kashinda na sio mshindi halisi? Tuje kwa hili la Arusha. Kuna kila aina ya dalili kuwa uchaguzi wa Meya ulifanywa bila kufuata utaratibu. Hii ina maana kuwa kila aliyeliwezesha na kulibariki zoezi hilo ni muhuni. Uhuni huu ndio umepelekea Geneva ya Africa kukumbwa na machafuko siku za karibuni. Aliyechukua madaraka ya umeya kwa njia sio stahili ni muhuni pia. Aliyeleta polisi kuua raia ni muhuni zaidi. Cha msingi hapa ni kwamba je, ni hatua gani zinachukuliwa dhini ya wahuni walioichafua Geneva ya Africa? Kimsingi hapa dhana nzima ya uongozi bora inakuwa imekiukwa. Utawala bora ambao ndio msingi wa maendeleo umekiukwa kwa kuweka kiongozi ambaye sio watu walimtaka. Hii ina maana kwamba kitendo cha bwana Gaudensia kula kiyoyozi kwa miaka mitano kinagharamiwa na kurudi nyuma kwa maendeleo ya jiji la Arusha. Kwa kuzingatia dhana ya kwamba Tanzania ni nchi isiyotaka kuendelea, hili lawezekana; tena mia kwa mia. Mzee Lowassa kama mkazi wa Arusha aliliona hilo mapema na athari zake, ila wenzake ambao hawafikirii kuwa dhana nzima ya kupeleka uongozi kwa watu (devolution by decentralization) ni chachu ya maendeleo wakaendeleza ubabe. Inashangaza sana kwani watu hawa ambao wanaielewa dhana nzima ya utawala bora wa watu kama chombo muhimu cha watu kujiletea maendeleo, walikuwa kwenye nafasi za uongozi wakati Mwalimu anaihubiri na kuitekeleza! Je watu hawa ambao wanakinzana na nafsi zao wanatushawishi vipi kuwa wao si wahuni?

Wamemfurusha Spika wa bunge la tisa la Jamhuri! Mzee Samuel Sitta ambaye rekodi yake ya uendeshaji bunge ilikuwa bora kabisa! Huyu alikuwa hazina kubwa ya CCM na watanzania kwa ujumla. Walimuacha achukue fomu, halafu wakasema wanaume hapana! Hatukatai kuwa wanawake wanaweza, na mara nyingine huwa wanayamudu majukumu yao vizuri zaidi kuliko sie wanaume! Kwa mtu yeyote mwenye akili timamu, huu ulikuwa uhuni wa hali ya juu!. Ukiukaji wa taratibu unaweza kuwa ni utaratibu unaokubalika kwa kundi lingine. Kwa hili lakini siwezi kulisemea sana kwani wanajua wanavyokubaliana kwenye chama chao! Na ndio maana pengine hata Mzee Sita bado yuko kwenye chama hicho! Hata hivyo alipokuwa Spika huwa anatuhusu watanzania wote hivyo hata sisi wengine tumeugua kwa hilo!

Tumesoma kwenye magazeti wakati wa dakika za lala salama kuelekea kwenye uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka 2010, jinsi mtu aliyewahi kukiri kuwa hana imani ya dini na kuaminiwa kama mshauri wa siasa wa mkuu wa nchi akiwaangukia maimamu wa misikiti kule morogoro kuwa wamchague mgombea wake kwa sababu kuna ombwe na dini linatumika na wagombea wengine! Sisi tunaomfahamu Mzee Kingunge tangu utoto wetu, kufikia pahala tukamwita mtu yeyote aliyeiva na kuenea kisiasa kuwa ni kingunge tulishtushwa sana na hili! Tulipata wasiwasi kuwa pengine mzee wetu huyu ameanza kupoteza kumbukumbu kwani katika umri wake huu asingeweza kudiriki kuchafua historia yake aliyoijenga miaka mingi katika Nyanja za siasa! Na kama ana kumbukumbu kamili basi kuna hatari kubwa kuwa ameingia kwenye kundi la wahuni! Falsafa ya udini ambayo imewashwa, inazungumzwa na kupepelewa na viongozi tuliowakabidhi inchi yetu haionekani miongoni mwetu sisi raia wa kawaida! Ninachelea kutamka wazi kuwa kila anayehubiri kuwa Tanzania kuna udini ni mhuni mkubwa na anapaswa kuuomba radhi umma wa watanzania kwa kutaka kukifanya kizazi kipya kiwe wakimbizi ndani ya nchi yao wenyewe!

Je ni kwanini hadi leo hii mgombea binafsi hakubaliwi? Ni kwa nini mtu apate ridhaa ya chama ili aweze kugombea? Japo ni woga wa bure lakini upande mmoja kulikuwa na mantiki kuwa mtu awekwe na kikundi ambacho nia na madhumuni yake baada ya kukamata dola yawe bayana. Kuwepo na mkataba wa uongozi wa nchi. Kukataa kuungwa mkono na kundi mhimili la chama chako kuna maana gani? Ujumbe wa kukataa kura za wafanyakazi kina tafsiri gani? Je si kwa sababu gani ilionekana kuwa ni muhimu kuwa na chata ya jembe na nyundo kwenye chata ya chama chako? Tumevaa kofia hizi na kanga hizi! Lakini je si ni wakati wa kubadilisha chata hiyo na kuweka viashiria kuwa chama hiki sasa ni cha kundi tofauti na tulivyodhani hapo mwanzo? Je tupo kwa ajili ya mkulima na mfanyakazi wa taifa hili? Ambaye sasa anaelekea kushindwa kumudu hata mlo mmoja kwa siku? Ambaye ana mtoto mwenye akili lakini chuo kinapofunguliwa hawezi hata kupewa nauli ya kurudia chuo? Anayekosa shilingi mia tano ya kununua panado akipata homa? Lakini anayelilisha taifa hili chakula miaka nenda miaka rudi, tukijua fika kuwa kuwa hatununui mazao yake kwa bei stahili hivyo hatumtendei haki? Kwa nini tusichore picha za almasi, na maghorofa kwenye kofia badala ya jembe na nyundo? Je ndio mabadiliko ya kimuundo au bado ni mwendelezo wa dhana ya uhuni – kutenda kinyume cha makubaliano?

Tujitafakari, tuchukue hatua, tena sasa kabla hatujachelea uhuni utatumaliza waTanzania!

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Wednesday, July 19, 2006

KUMBE HATA TANZANIA IPO JAPO HAIVUMI!!
subakleri waungwana !!!
Baada ya kimya cha muda mrefu nikiangalia nyendo za Tanzania inayoonekana kukua kwa kasi huku kila siku majumba na mashoping mall yakijitokeza katika mita ya Dar es salaam, wananchi wake nao wakiwa na matumaini ya hali bora kimaisha kama ilivyoahidiwa na mheshimiwa Raisi na kuanza kutekelezwa japo katika maeneo fulani fulani ambayo si haba. wapo wenzangu ambao inawezekana wanayosema ni ya msingi kuwa mbona mweshimiwa akiibuka na uteuzi anajaza safu ya vibharghashea ....wachilia mbali kumpa kazi kubwa zaidi aliyeshindwa kazi ndogo zaidi mfano vile ....Mh. Adadi Rajabu.....wengine wanapiga kelele ooh kila siku mkuu yuko majukwaani hizo kazi anafanya lini.....ninacheka sana kwani kazi ya raisi sio homework ambayo huifanya mwenyewe labda zaidi maelekezo safi na yenye nia njema kwa watendaji aliowaamini (japo na wenyewe hufoji hata PhD zao).......n.k. nashindwa kufikiri....(kwa mujibu wa Marehemu mtoto wa Tanzania na Afrika Prof. Chchage Seity Chachage)......Napenda kuchukua nafasi hii kumlilia Prof. Chachage ambaye sijawahi hata kuonana naye uso kwa uso, lakini niliwahi kupendekeza siku moja kwenye blogi kuwa wapinzani wa Tanzania wangepaswa kumtafuta mtu kama huyu wamsimamishe uraisi....na wajiunge angalau kurudisha heshima ya bunge na nchi!!!! lahaula lakwata kweli wema hawana maisha!!! anyway, na sie tunafuata kwanza ni muhimu tupange safu vyema.....
mabadiliko ni mengi sana Tanzania na ukereketwa (wa maendeleo) umezidi kupanda chati. huko CCM Kikwete ndio kakamata jagipoti na kabadilisha kikosi chake chote cha ufundi.....wakati kanali Makamba kauvaa umang'ula (tunategemea hatakuwa dhulmati wa kura kwa jinsi anavyoipenda nchi yake!!!!! - mungu atusaidie kwa hili). juzi makamba alitoa mpya alivyokuwa akipokewa pale kwenye pori la kiluvya na wananchi wa dar na pwani aliposema wanaong'angania ubabe na makundi ndani ya chama waondoke wao sio tu peke yao na wawabebe wake zao wkaanzishe vyama vyao! siku chache zilizopita aliweka mambo hadharani kwa ma RC na ma DC akisema kuwa wao ni makada....na wana kibarua nzito ya kuhakikisha kuwa chama kinashinda kiulaniniiiii hapo 2010......akiwa na maaana ya kukamilisha ahadi za chama.........naogopa wasije wakasinzia na kuingiwa na shetani wa kuiba kura hapo 2010!!!!
Profesa Chachage nilifurahia kumwona alipotetea fani yake katika dakika takribani 45 nzima pale alipokuwa akihojiwa na bwana Ryoba pale TVT ........ ilikuwa ni tamu kwani bwana Ryoba alikuwa ameuza fani yake (proffession) na kumbana Profesa afagilie (apige muhuri) kuwa JK amefanya mavitus ndani ya siku 100!!! hakyanani panga pangua hadi kijasho kilimtoka Ryoba kumshawishi akubali na aweke mhuri wapi.... prof aliweka msimamo wake hadi kipindi kinaisha kuwa hakuna justification ya kusema kuwa Kikwete kaanza vyema kwani ...... hakuna alama yeyote iliisha wahi kuwekwa kabla ya Kikwete kulamba dume ambayo yeye ameisogeza mbele...hivyo kung'ang'ania ni unafiki mkubwa!!! na kingine alionya Tabia ya Watanzania kudhani kuwa kiongozi huja na maendeleo!!! Nilisisimkwa na damu kuona jinsi ambavyo wasomi tunatakiwa kuwa na kusimama na ukweli hadi siku ya mwisho!! aliongea ukweli kama mtu anayetegemewa na umma bila kumpendelea JK wala mwanasiasa mungine yoyote......Sina wasiwasi kuwa Prof. Chachage yuko pema peponi na fikra zake ni za kuendeleza!!!
Jamani kuwa uyaone ya dunia!! kuna mzee mmoja nilikuwa ninaongelea vitabu vyake kuwa ni sumu kwa kiasi fulani kutumika kwa karne hii lakini kumbe naye alikwenda na wakati!!! nilifarijika sana kumwona Mzee Yusuf Halimoja akikemea wazi wazi uovu uliondelea ndani ya chama tawala na mazingira ya siasa kwa ujumla!!! HONGERA SANA MZEE HALIMOJA!!!TUMEKUSIKIA NA TUNAENDELEA KUKUBALI -kumbe wewe hukukaririshwa!!! Mzee Halimoja huandika nadhani ni kwenye Rai hoja za nguvu sana na ukweli mwingi.....
pamoja na hayo yote ashakum sio matusi mie kama mtanzania mwenye nia njema na inji hii nikifuatilia kwa ukaribu utendaji wa JK nikipima anaposemwa kuchemsha na kufaulu....nadhani huyu bwana kaanza vyema.....nikilinganisha kasi yake ya uteuzi wa vibarghashea na jinsi labda hivyo vibarghashea vinavyofanya kazi labda vina manufaa zaidi kuliko kuteua Rozari zetu! kuna marejeo makubwa sana ya mikataba ya madini ambapo nilisoma mrahaba wa 30 % kutolewa, na migodi kupeleka hela halmashauri kuwa audited na kutumika kwa maendeleo!!!! wakuu wa mashirika makubwa mfano Paul Wolfwiz wa WB ametinga kinoma manzese wanaendeleza sijui makazi vile!!! serekali nayo inalipa umuhimu suala la kuja Dodoma ambapo JK ameng'amu kuwa kutokuwepo kwa makazi kunaliwekea usiku azimio la kuhamia dodoma na ameanza kulifanyia kazi, maajabu jamani huko ardhi kuna namba zina viwanja hadi 38 ambavyo vinafutwa na mengine mengi.....labda tutafika......wenzetu sijui mlijua JK alikabidhi jengo ya Chimwaga kwa chuo kikuu kipya ambacho pamoja na serekali kuwa na hela yake teyari, prince wa kisaudi na bill gates watatoa tafu!!!
Sera ya majimbo ya Mbowe bado inaweza kuwa ni ya maana na imejitokeza katika bunge hili linaloendelea hapa dodoma pale ambapo mawaziri wanavutia miradi kwao!!! watu wengine bwana wamekalia ubishi tu!!! nchi yenyewe kubwa rasilimali ndo hizo hizo!!! yangu macho!!
Yote tisa kumi ni UZURI WA CHAMA!! sisi katika chama tuna tabia ya kusameheana, kulindana na kuheshimiana. we fanya lolote bora ujikite kwenye jezi ya kijani mambo ni poa......... Jamaa yangu bwana Godfrey Semwaiko alinilitea habari hii ambayo ilinitoa machozi amini usiamini yaliyo na viscous nzito mithili ya sukari guru...yeye hupatikana www.semwaiko.s5.com www.artshost.org/rafiki ........kumbe sisi tunapambana kutafuta masuluhisho, kubeba mizigo mizito ya uchumi na kuendelea kuteseka kwa sababu ya waheshimiwa wachache tu???? kwa kweli ninavyojisikia kulia ngojea tu nikwacheni muendelee kujionea viroja vyenyewe, Kumbe noma la Kenya ilikuwa cha mtoto!!!ni kweli nimeamini WAWEZA KUWA HUVUMI LAKINI UMO!!!alamsiki!!!
Ripoti ya Tranparency International kuhusu rushwa ktk serikali ya Raisi Mkapa na Mwinyi. It is very long, but also very interesting.
THE POWER AND THE VAINGLORY: Anatomy of a $100 Million Malaysian IPP in Tanzania Brian COOKSEY*
Forty years ago, Malaysia had a more or less similar economic development profile to most of sub-Saharan Africa. Since then, Malaysia has risen to “middle income” status in the international pecking-order, radically reducing poverty in the process, while sub-Saharan Africa remains the poorest, least developed continent in the world. Corruption helps explain why. This chapter describes a Malaysian investment that may bleed Tanzania of hundreds of millions of dollars in bloated payments for electricity that the country neither needs nor can afford. Tanzania is not in the same class as Nigeria, Congo (former Zaïre) or Kenya as regards political corruption, but grand corruption in government is all too common. Major bribery in contracting and procurement, plus systematic petty corruption among government officials, constitute serious obstacles to foreign investment, economic growth, and social equity as well as undermining political legitimacy. Moreover, the complexity and unpredictability of the state bureaucracy make bribery an often self-defeating practice. Foreign direct investment into Tanzania was virtually non-existent from the late nineteen-seventies to the late nineties. Most social and economic infrastructure was built with loans and grants from aid agencies. One would imagine, therefore, that a multi-million dollar investment in private power generation would be a most welcome addition to Tanzania’s economic infrastructure. One would be wrong. As it stands, Tanzanian electricity consumers, taxpayers and donor agencies will be lining the pockets of Malaysian investors through corruptly earned rents for the next twenty years. How this project was hatched, resisted, and eventually commissioned is the subject of this chapter. Chronology of Main Events 1994 Drought leads to power shortages as hydro catchment areas run dry. State power utility Tanesco invites emergency solutions, eventually settling for two turbines financed by foreign aid. 1994 Joint venture set up between Mechmar Corporation of Malaysia (70%) and VIPEM of Tanzania (30%) known as Independent Power Tanzania Ltd (IPTL) August 1994 IPTL sign a Memorandum of Understanding to provide electricity under an Independent Power Project arrangement as a ‘fast track’ measure, but a ‘medium to long term solution’ is proposed in November. Nov 1994 – June 1995 IPTL starts negotiations with Tanesco through KTA Tenaga Sdn Bhd (Malaysia-engineering), Fieldstone Private Capital Group (USA-finance), and Long and Co. and Clyde and Co. (UK-legal affairs) May - June 1995 IPTL and Tanesco sign a 20 year Power Purchasing Agreement (PPA) to build and run a 100 megawatt slow-speed diesel (SSD) power plant at Tegeta, Dar es Salaam at a cost of $163.5 million, including an Engineering Procurement and Construction contract (EPC) price of $126.39, and with a ‘reference tariff’ of $4.2 million per month plus 3.25 US cents per kWh of electricity actually produced. The final tariff will depend on actual costs incurred. February 1995 - January 1996 Without informing Tanesco, IPTL negotiates with Wärtsila to build a cheaper medium-speed diesel (MSD) plant. Wärtsilä’s EPC bid increases by 33%, from $85.7 million to $114.2 million, even though the scope of the project falls considerably. February 1997 EPC contract signed. May 1997 Mechmar/IPTL obtain $105 million loan from Sime Bank and Bank Bumiputra. September 1997 Tanesco requests full documentation on actual costs incurred in order to negotiate final power purchase tariffs. IPTL produces the EPC at the end of February 1998. April 1998 Tanesco issues Notice of Default to IPTL for unilateral substitution of MSD facility. April-October 1998 Tanesco attempts unsuccessfully to negotiate a lower tariff reflecting the ‘actual, verifiable and prudently incurred cost’ to IPTL of building an MSD plant — as opposed to the contracted SSD plant. November 1998 Tanesco requests arbitration before the International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) after IPTL fails to justify cost structure and payments, including $6.4 million payments to Omni Technical Management Establishment and Prime Consolidated Establishment. November 1999 IPTL takes Tanesco to court, claiming interim payments of $3.6 million a month. IPTL wins the case in March 1999, but execution of the ruling is stayed pending Tanesco’s appeal. May 2000 Two Tanzanian officials sign affidavits claiming they were offered bribes by IPTL director James Rugemalira. A third admits accepting a bribe. February 2001 ISCID finds that IPTL was overpriced by $23.5 million but that the contract still stands since TANESCO was aware of the switch from SSD to MSD. July 2001 Minister for Energy and Minerals announces that IPTL will start generating 100MW of electricity in October 2001, and that the SONGAS natural gas project will start in September. January 15 2002 IPTL starts supplying power to the national grid for 13 US cents per unit. March 1 2002 VIPEM petitions the Tanzanian High Court to wind up IPTL. Dar es Salaam, 6 October 1997 Board members of the local chapter of Transparency International (TI) meet with Robert McNamara and Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, respectively Co-Chairman and Executive Secretary of the Washington-based Global Coalition for Africa (GCA). GCA is a high-level policy forum linking African governments, their northern partners, and non-government groups working on African development issues. Michael Wiehen, former World Bank director and founder member of Transparency International, is the third member of the team. Their mission is to lobby selected African presidents, including Tanzania’s Benjamin Mkapa, to endorse a major anti-corruption statement and a practical initiative in cleaning up public procurement championed by TI. Mkapa, who became Tanzania’s third post-independence president in October 1995, ran on an anti-corruption ticket and in December 1996 published the report of the anti-corruption commission that he set up on coming to power. The former Mauritanian diplomat and senior UN official, Ould-Abdallah, expresses surprise at the extent of official corruption in Tanzania and the apparent impunity of the corrupt. ‘Even in my country, they would not have such an easy time of it!’ he tells us with feeling. (People are questioning whether Mkapa has the power or the will to deal decisively with corruption, including those named in the commission’s report. No senior official has been jailed for corruption to date). It is McNamara’s turn to speak. Already in his eighties, the former president of the Ford Motor Company, US Secretary of Defense during the Vietnam war, and president of the World Bank from 1968 to 1981, is still driven by an obsessive sense of personal mission. ‘Have you people heard of this Malaysian power project?’ he asks without ceremony. ‘I saw things like this when I was President of the Bank! This stinks of grand corruption!’ He stabs the air with his right index finger. ‘I’m going to talk about this at the press conference tomorrow!’ We agree to monitor the IPTL project and to keep GCA informed of developments. The same day I start to find out more about this ‘Malaysian’ power project. About twenty-five journalists turn up at the press conference the following morning, including Nizar Fazal, bookkeeper turned investigative journalist, and fearless anti-corruption campaigner. McNamara fulminates about ‘this power project’ that will inflate electricity prices if it goes ahead, but stops short of naming IPTL. Fazal asks, somewhat tongue in cheek, whether the UN could not deploy a mobile military unit to help reinstate African presidents who are overthrown for attempting to fight corruption. McNamara replies that he does not think Tanzania has yet reached this point. Dar es Salaam, 1994 Let us go back to 1994. The presidency of Ali Hassan Mwinyi, Tanzania’s second post-independence leader, is coming to a close. In terms of fiscal management, Mwinyi’s second term has been disastrous. Donor aid is frozen when a $200 million hole appears in an import support scheme plundered by private importers and public corporations in collusion with state-owned banks and government officials. Eventually, donor pressure obliges Mwinyi to sack the Minister of Finance, economics professor Kigoma Malima, who was at the centre of the scam and a related tax exemption racket. Mwinyi’s laissez-faire approach to governance has seen a quantum leap in levels of official corruption, fuelled by economic liberalisation that confers respectability on the formerly demonised, Asian dominated, private sector. There is a long dry spell and the water level in Tanzania’s main dam drops to crisis point. Hydro provides Tanzania with most of its power. Rationing begins. Industrial production slumps. The rich buy generators. Dar’s shopping centre sounds like an industrial estate: every other duka has a noisy little generator spewing diesel fumes at passers-by. The government decides there is need for emergency power. A number of local businessmen come up with proposals to solve the crisis. Reginald John Nolan, an Irish businessman, proposes a 109 megawatt turbine manufactured by General Electric. Nolan’s bid is based on a ludicrous tariff of 14 cents per unit of power, more than twice the current Tanzanian price and three or four times more expensive than electricity produced by modern diesel generators. Nevertheless, Nolan’s bid progresses well, with the support of some very senior politicians and a positive tender evaluation from Tom Gilette of Bankers Trust, New York. At the eleventh hour, World Bank Resident Representative Motoo Konishi rashly writes a private note to Raphael Mollel, Principal Secretary at the Ministry of Water, Energy and Minerals, advising against Nolan’s proposal. The note states that if the Nolan deal goes through, the Bank’s reaction ‘would not be pleasant.’ Read: the World Bank would pull out of the energy sector, and other donors would probably follow. Mollel shows the note to the Permanent Secretaries in the Treasury and the Ministry of Planning, and to Chief Secretary Paul Rupia, and it soon reaches Tom Callahan, Director of African Affairs on the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Callahan promptly writes to Brady Anderson, the US Ambassador to Tanzania, accusing Konishi of libelling ‘an American (sic) businessman and casting doubt upon the integrity of Bankers Trust.’ Though the World Bank stands up for Konishi, he is later sacked for his (as it turns out, successful) attempt to block the Nolan deal. Finally, the World Bank finances two turbines, adding 75 megawatts to the generating capacity of Tanesco, Tanzania’s state-owned power utility. A month before the Nolan negotiations begin, Malaysian company Mechmar and the Ministry of Energy and Minerals sign a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) ‘n the spirit of solving the power load shedding problem as soon as possible under the IPP concept, encouraging private participation and in furtherance of South-South co-operation…’ Most MOU’s do not lead to projects. This one — the first major private investment in Tanzania’s energy sector — does. Nolan’s bid fails, despite significant local support and international lobbying on his behalf. Where Nolan failed , IPTL — with an even more outrageous project proposal — succeeds. Tanzania, 8 September 1997 There is another power crisis. Again, poor rains are blamed for the lack of water to run the hydro dams. Load shedding begins all over again. The power crisis goes on for months. Consumers are without power for up to five days a week. Usually hot and humid, Dar es Salaam swelters in its powerlessness. But the crisis is largely of the government’s own making. While the dams are running dry, the four turbines have been mostly idle. They are shut down from March to September 1996, through lack of cash to pay duty on the imported kerosene on which they run, and achieve only about 30% capacity utilisation from October 1996 to September 1997. TANESCO is broke. Customers owe $55 million. The biggest sinners are government departments and parastatal companies, and the semi-autonomous island of Zanzibar. Lack of maintenance of existing plant further reduces the country’s effective power generating capacity. Tanesco fails to respond to an offer from Finland to rehabilitate old diesel generators. While the Treasury refuses to waive the duty on fuel, it grants exemptions to an importer of cooking oil, leading local wags to speculate on whether the Ubungo turbines could be converted to run on cooking oil. Failure to fire up the turbines is the cause of the 1997 crisis, not the drought. Conspiracy theorists in Dar es Salaam are convinced that this example of gross mismanagement is not accidental, but orchestrated by IPTL and its local supporters to sell their proposal to the public. Although the project was initially launched as a short-term solution to the 1994 power crisis, IPTL quietly drop this idea and instead negotiate a long-term investment in diesel generators. IPTL and government officials cite the ‘unmet demand’ for power and the consequent urgent need to increase generating capacity as reasons for completing IPTL without further delay. The 1997 drought ‘proves’ the dangers of relying on hydropower. But the addition of 75 megawatts at Ubungo (October 1995) and a further 180 megawatts from the donor-funded Kihansi hydro scheme that is soon to be commissioned are more than adequate to meet projected demand and avoid another power crisis. By the end of 1997, the hydro catchments are full again. In other words, IPTL amounts to excess capacity using one of the most expensive power generating technologies. But by now, politics is already firmly in control of power policy and the local technocrats and their foreign advisors are ignored. Kuala Lumpur, 29 May 1997 IPTL is a joint venture between Mechmar Corporation (Malaysia) Bhd (70%) and VIPEM (30%). Mechmar’s largest shareholder HICOM (20%), is one of Malaysia’s largest industrial conglomerates. Mechmar, which is one of HICOM’s five listed associate companies, has a dozen subsidiaries of its own. IPTL becomes the thirteenth. Mechmar is a trading and marketing company. IPTL is its first big power project. Originally specialising in boilers and heaters, Mechmar branches out into men’s fashion wear (1990) and property development (1992). The company’s executive chairman is Tan Kean Wan. Datuk Baharuden Majid is Mechmar's managing director and Chairman of IPTL. IPTL’s proposed power station is to be financed with a US$105 million ten year loan facility jointly organised by Sime Bank and Bank Bumiputra Malaysia Bhd (BBMB). The ‘lead managers’ are Sime International Bank (L) Ltd and BBMB Bhd International Bank (L) Ltd. Sime Bank Bhd of Singapore is the manager of the loan facility. Mechmar also issues RM88 million ($35 million then) worth of new shares to co-finance IPTL. With a market capitalisation of $120 million, Mechmar records $37 million in engineering sales in 1996. At over $160 million, the Tanzanian investment is worth more than Mechmar itself. After the loan signing ceremony, Tan tells a press conference that IPTL should turn over up to RM200 million in annual revenue (about US$80 million). The power station is expected to contribute more than 50 per cent of Mechmar’s profits from 1999 onwards (New Straits Times, 30 June 1997, p. 25). IPTL’s minority partner is VIPEM Ltd, a Dar es Salaam company founded by the late Bakr Somji, a Muslim of the Ishnasheri (Shia) sect, and now run by his son Riaz. Itinerant businessman Anis Mamdani is said to be the brains behind VIPEM. Ahmed Daya is another director. VIPEM specialises in brokering deals between foreign companies and the Tanzanian government, sometimes financed by foreign aid. The company is heavily involved in the Tanzania Harbours Authority (THA), one of the country’s richest and most corrupt public corporations. IPTL’s front man and ‘fixer’ is James Rugemalira, a former employee of the Bank of Tanzania (BOT). Rugemalira is a director of both VIPEM and IPTL. He is reportedly also the ‘fixer’ for Tritel, a company related to Mechmar and owned by tycoon Tajudin Ramli, a close associate of Daim Zainuddin, that enters the Tanzanian cell-phone market in 1998. James Burchard Rugemalira is from Kagera in the North West of Tanzania. He obtained his first degree at the University of Dar es Salaam as a mature student. After an undistinguished career at the Bank of Tanzania, Rugemalira takes early retirement and enters the private sector. He is taken on board by VIPEM because of his contacts in BOT and the government. As an up-and-coming indigenous businessman, he is a prominent member of various business associations and official advisory committees, and sometimes travels with presidential delegations as a private sector representative. Dar es Salaam, 10 October 1997 Jim McCardle is not happy. The World Bank is pressuring the government to sign off on Songas, a Canadian backed joint venture to develop Tanzania’s huge reserves of natural gas, and the government is dragging its feet. The Bank is ready to lend Tanzania $200 million towards Songas’ $350 million price tag. Songas, which McCardle manages, was conceived years before IPTL, yet no contract has been signed to date. The contrast with IPTL, which obtained government agreements, tax exemptions and other requirements in record time, is no accident. Without IPTL, Songas could have been up and running in time to help avoid the 1997 power crisis. Songas plans to build a pipeline to Dar es Salaam to fuel the existing four turbines that are currently running on expensive kerosene. IPTL say they will happily convert to natural gas when it comes on stream, but this is disingenuous on their part. Tanesco has a serious cash flow problem. If both IPTL and Songas are commissioned, Tanesco will be saddled with monthly bills for gas and electricity of $11 million that it could not possibly meet out of income from electricity sales. McCardle admits that Songas seriously underestimated IPTL. ‘Nolan was a joke. Nobody could take his project seriously. We thought nobody would take IPTL seriously either. We were wrong!’ When the cabinet hesitates to endorse IPTL because of the cost implications for electricity, James Rugemalira accuses the World Bank and Songas of mounting a joint conspiracy against him, with Patrick Rutabanzibwa, Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Energy and Minerals, as their front man. At one point, he refers to Songas as ‘the stillborn child of the World Bank’ (February 1999). In a brilliant tactical move, the government announces final agreements with IPTL and Songas on the same day, as related below. Dar es Salaam, April 1998 Patrick Rutabanzibwa , briefs President Mkapa on IPTL. Like James Rugemalira, Rutabanzibwa is from Kagera, but there the similarity ends. Rutabanzibwa is from an aristocratic clan and is the son of a former ambassador. He studied in the US and the UK. He is a brilliant technocrat, dedicated to the development of Tanzania. Rutabanzibwa was Commissioner for Energy when the IPTL project was first launched. He knows there is no need for extra generating capacity and that even if there was, IPTL would be the most expensive, rather than the ‘least cost’ provider. But he is surrounded by pro-IPTL lobbyists in Tanesco, his Ministry, and the government, who are constantly trying to undermine him. He knows that when investment projects are taken over by politicians, technocrats like himself are sidelined, and only wheeled out to endorse decisions, however crazy, that have already been made. Rutabanzibwa tries to convince the President that IPTL ‘is a disaster waiting to happen.’ If the cost of IPTL is passed on to the consumer, Mkapa will not make many friends. Business and private consumers will face huge increases in electricity prices. Donors will be incensed. Their dismissive attitude towards IPTL is on record. On the other hand, many heavyweights in the party and cabinet are in favour of IPTL. They try to convince the President that Rutabanzibwa is in the pay of the Bank and Songas. There will be another power crisis if IPTL is not added to the national grid, they argue. What if the rains fail again? Demand for power is growing fast…. Rutabanzibwa puts his job on the line: ‘I promise you, Mr President, there will be no more power cuts between now and the next elections. If I’m wrong, I will resign.’ Rutabanzibwa has made his calculations. The ‘El Niño’ rains have struck East Africa. The dams are full to overflowing. An extra 180 megawatts of donor-financed hydro will come on stream in less than a year. Tanesco’s demand projections for electricity are way too high. The big mining companies are signing power supply agreements with Tanesco — and bringing in their own generators to run the mines. Benjamin William Mkapa does not know what to do. He is caught in a hugely difficult bind. Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir had buttonholed him at a recent meeting of Commonwealth heads of government in Edinburgh to ask why Mechmar’s project was not progressing faster. Rugemalira is publicly challenging the government to put up or shut up, as IPTL’s affairs become increasingly convoluted. Cancelling IPTL would look like capitulation to donor pressures, a point hammered home in the press by IPTL. Events conspire to force Mkapa’s hand. In December 1997, we learn that IPTL has ordered medium- — rather than slow-speed — engines. An ‘independent’ report commissioned by IPTL claims that Tanesco was consulted and agreed to the switch, a claim hotly denied by Tanesco’s Managing Director Baruany Luhanga. IPTL dismiss references to slow-speed engines in the PPA as a ‘typing error’. Moreover, IPTL stick to the original project cost of $163 million, and refuse to provide documentary evidence demonstrating that they exercised due diligence in developing their project . IPTL claim there was an open tender, but that the relevant documents are ‘lost’. The unauthorised switch from slow- to medium-speed engines , refusal to produce evidence of the actual project costs as a basis for calculating tariffs, and dams full to capacity, lead Rutabanzibwa to urge Mkapa to cancel the deal. Finally, reluctantly, he agrees to challenge the project costings. Box 1: Press Release When the Government approved the Power Purchase Agreement between IPTL and TANESCO in 1995, it did so based on the express understanding that prior to the commencement of commercial operations …, TANESCO and IPTL would negotiate a final tariff based on (1) actual, reasonable and verifiable capital costs incurred by IPTL …, (2) actual, reasonable and verifiable costs to operate the project, and (3) a fair return to IPTL’s investors. Without informing TANESCO, IPTL unilaterally decided to substitute medium-speed diesel engines for the slow-speed engines stipulated in the PPA. … on April 9, 1998, TANESCO issued a Notice of Default to IPTL… [In] meetings held on April 14-16, 1998 … IPTL denied that there was a default, … and steadfastly refused to discuss any matters related to the tariff unless and until TANESCO withdrew its Notice of Default. The Government will not … allow Tanzania’s electricity consumers and the economy to be burdened with extraordinarily high electricity tariffs. … As it now stands under the PPA, electricity tariffs … will need to be increased by nearly 50 percent … by the end of 1998 to enable TANESCO to meet its financial commitments to IPTL. The price of electricity is likely to be even higher in 1999 and the subsequent years. Source: State House, 22 April 1998 (excerpts). Tanesco’s Notice of Default is greeted with a mixture of jubilation and relief in the anti-IPTL camp. The International Monetary Fund’s representative in Tanzania, Festus Osunsade, tells Reuters that ‘the government’s handling of [the IPTL deal] has been a critical factor in resuming the talks on the Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility (ESAF). The ESAF review talks were suspended in March after the IMF expressed concern about the power-supply contract.’ (Daily Mail, 20 April 1998) Rugemalira seems to have seriously underestimated the impact IPTL’s unilateral switching of engines would have on informed opinion, and his robust refusal to negotiate a reasonable tariff with Tanesco until the Notice of Default is withdrawn further undermines his credibility. His arrogance and apparent disdain for the government — the State House Press release says that ‘IPTL should recognize that the Government represents a sovereign state, free to select internal and external experts, advisers and partners…’ — infuriate Mkapa, giving him perhaps the emotional impetus to finally bite the IPTL bullet after months of vacillating. By the time Rugemalira adopts a more conciliatory negotiating strategy, the damage is already done. By 1999, the Ministry of Energy and Minerals is negotiating directly with Mechmar to find possible solutions to the impasse. Dar es Salaam, 26 November 1998 After months of further wrangling and posturing, Rutabanzibwa persuades President Mkapa to go one step further and to refer the case for arbitration, as provided for in the PPA: ‘The wrangle between Tanesco and IPTL took a new twist yesterday when the Government ordered both sides to take the issue to the International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes for arbitration.’(The African, 27 November 1998) This is a further blow for IPTL. Such cases may take years to settle. IPTL should have been commissioned in the second half of 1998. In a witness statement dated 8 May 2000, Rugemalira admits that after the 1997 rains, there was no longer any need for IPTL power: ‘The El-Nino rains that followed in December 1997 and changed the deficient hydropower energy supply scenario that had persisted since 1993 should not be allowed to penalize IPTL for relying on previous Government commitments and assurances and proceeding to build the Plant to completion under the PPA….’ In his favour, of course, is the government’s agreement to proceed with IPTL. Caveat emptor! Tendering Without Due Diligence IPTL’s investment consisted of ten state-of-the-art medium speed diesel generators, manufactured in the Netherlands by Wärtsilä, a Finnish company with a global reputation for quality engineering. There were problems, though. First, the PPA signed in 1995 specified slow-, not medium-speed generators, as explained above. Second, what IPTL claim to have paid for the plant and its installation was arguably anything up to twice its actual cost. There is nothing wrong with MSD generators, if oil-fuelled generators are the least cost choice. But there was never any attempt to establish which generators were the most appropriate in terms of construction and running costs, efficiency and expected life span. Typically, medium speed generators are significantly cheaper to build and install than slow speed. On the other hand, they are more costly to maintain and have a shorter working life. Although there are many companies that manufacture both types of generators, IPTL negotiated seriously with only two: Wärtsilä of Finland, who eventually got the contract, and Hyundai from South Korea. In October 1994, Hyundai had proposed IPTL an Engineering Procurement and Construction (EPC) cost of $99.7 million for five slow speed engines, and $109.3 million including provisional items (a jetty, fuel storage and other items). In November, they also submitted an alternative proposal for eight medium speed engines at a turnkey price of $91 million, excluding provisional items. Estimating provisional items at $12.69 million, in November 1994, IPTL proposed Tanesco a SSD plant for $112.4 million. On 19 October 1994, Wärtsilä proposed 11 MSD generators to produce 116 MW for $53 million, including auxiliary equipment. On 15 February 1995, Wärtsilä submitted an EPC bid for a 10 x 10 MSD plant at a turnkey price of $85.7 million. According to Tanesco’s submission to the ICSID (January 2000: 39): ‘Curiously, during the course of the procurement process for the EPC contract under IPTL’s stewardship, the project narrowed in scope while the bid prices, particularly that of Wärtsilä, increased.’ Gone from the EPC was a jetty ($5 million), the number of housing units to be built ($7.6 million) was reduced from 37 to 6, with no corresponding adjustment in the EPC price. More important, Wärtsilä’s turnkey bid increased by a third, from $85.7 million in February 1995 to $114.2 million in January 1996. Table 2: Price Increases In Wärtsilä’s EPC Bid (US$ million) Cost item February 1995 January 1996 Diesel engine generators and auxiliary systems 51.7 60.4 Main Fuel Oil & Standby Fuel Oil Storage Tanks and Handling System 3.6 5.7 Civil Works 5.6 10.0 Housing 3.2 7.6 Total 64.1 83.7 The original housing bid was for 37 units. This was reduced to ten, and the total price increased by over 130%. In fact, only six houses were actually built, prompting Tanesco’s lawyers to conclude laconically ‘One does not need to be a Tanzanian real estate appraiser to know that $7,566,000 for six single-storey duplex houses… is beyond exorbitant.’ (ICSID 2000: 41). Wärtsilä’s EPC bid for a MSD plant was nearly $1.0 million more than Hyundai’s bid for a SSD plant of the same capacity. Instead of proceeding with Hyundai, the only company offering the SSD plant specified in the PPA, IPTL, ‘without consulting Tanesco and in violation of the express requirements of the PPA, unilaterally decided to contract with Wärtsilä for a 10 x 10 MW MSD plant.’ (ICSID 2000: 41-2). Someone who clearly knows what he is talking about wrote to me after reading one of my articles to provide supplementary information. ‘I just want to make you aware that the Wärtsilä company is playing a role in the whole scam that is far from innocent.’ For example: … the EPC cost is extremely inflated. Wärtsilä has given offers for similar plants in other African countries for around USD 60 million. By doubling the price for the plant, Wärtsilä makes it possible for MechMar and itself to get the equity back before the project has hardly started. No risk here! … Wärtsilä was ‘chosen’ as EPC contractor not because of a competitive offer, but because they agreed to play along and fraudulently inflate prices. … If Wärtsilä had not agreed to inflate its prices there would have been no way for MechMar to present a project cost as exorbitant as the one that Tanzania now has to live with. There are a number of unanswered questions concerning the devious process described above. Was it simply Mechmar/IPTL’s plan to quietly switch from SSD to MSD in order to benefit from the large price difference between the two plants? Was the overpricing a way of creaming off some of the $105 million bank loan without the knowledge of Sime Bank and Bank Bumiputra? Or was this part of a more sophisticated crony conspiracy with a political dimension? Were Tanesco aware of the switch and just kept quiet about it? How did Wärtsilä come to replace Hyundai in Mechmar’s game plan, and how pro-active were Wärtsilä in the whole affair? Did they get a cut in exchange for their complicity? IPTL: Those In Favour … Those Against ‘Kama huu ndiyo ushirikiano wa nchi za kusini, bora ukoloni urudi.’ (‘If this is ‘South-South co-operation’, then colonialism is preferable.’) Julius K Nyerere commenting on IPTL Who supported IPTL, and who didn’t? Those actively opposing the project were a small minority. Rutabanzibwa was appointed Permanent Secretary (PS) by President Mkapa precisely because of his integrity and technical competence. On becoming PS, he found systematic corruption in the energy and minerals sector and in his ministry’s own finances. Fire fighting on three fronts at once, Rutabanzibwa had his work cut out. Many a lesser person would have succumbed to the temptations of corruption, the dangers of honesty, or to sheer exhaustion. Without Rutabanzibwa, IPTL would have been commissioned in 1998 rather than 2002, and at a tariff even more ruinous for Tanzania’s industrial prospects than that negotiated after the arbitration. Ruling party CCM Secretary General and Minister for Planning, Horace Kolimba (since deceased) was involved in the original brokering that led to IPTL. In July 1994, Kolimba visited Malaysia and raised the power-rationing problem with the Malaysian government. The latter advised Kolimba that Malaysia had solved similar problems by licensing and promoting independent power producers (IPPs). The Government of Malaysia arranged for Kolimba and his delegation to meet with potential Malaysian investors, who were then invited to visit Tanzania for an assessment of the situation. Datuk Baharuden Majid of Mechmar made his first visit to Tanzania in August 1994. Mechmar had already built a 2.75 megawatt wood-fuel plant for the Commonwealth Development Corporation in Tanzania (1993), and already knew Tanesco well. He held discussions with the Minister for Water, Energy and Minerals Jakaya Kikwete, Simon Mhaville of Tanesco, Esther Masunzu, Assistant Commissioner for Energy, and Juma Ngasongwa, Personal Assistant to President Mwinyi responsible for economic affairs, all of whom confirmed that Tanesco and the government welcomed the IPP solution. A month later, an MOU was signed and IPTL was launched. Tanesco’s Managing Director Simon Mhaville was heavily pro-IPTL, as was his PS at the time, Raphael Mollel. Mollel continued to support IPTL from the Treasury, where he was appointed Deputy PS. A friend of Mhaville told me that Mhaville claims to have been anti-IPTL, and Mollel claims he was ‘only following orders.’ Mhaville’s successor, Baruany Luhanga has distanced himself from IPTL. Minister of Energy and Minerals, William Shija, was pro. There is widespread agreement that President Mwinyi gave IPTL his tarnished imprimatur. It is precisely the Mwinyi heritage surrounding IPTL that Mkapa has struggled to contain since coming to power in 1995. A major player throughout was Andrew Chenge, the Attorney General and a personal friend of Mkapa. Chenge’s office reviewed the IPTL contract on behalf of the government, and found it acceptable to the letter. At the time, Tanesco advisors -- Acres (Canada) and Hunton and Williams (U.K.) -- had written damning reports pointing out that IPTL: (1) was a long term solution to a short-term problem; (2) did not constitute part of a ‘least cost’ power policy ; (3) constituted excess capacity ; and that (4) the project was highly overpriced. Both also criticised the proposed IPTL contract, which was generous to the supplier and passed all the risk to the government of Tanzania. IPTL was not time bound, and the final cost to Tanesco would be negotiated after the project was completed! The PPA was appraised for the government by Mary Ndosi, a State Attorney in Chenge’s office. Acknowledging that the Acres and Hunton and Williams comments on IPTL had been reviewed, Ndosi states, with magnificent insouciance: ‘Their advice should be treated as part of our advice on this proposal only to the extent it is not in contradiction to what is contained herein.’ There is an affidavit (see below) claiming that Mary Ndosi actively supported IPTL. Dr Abdallah Kigoda was appointed Minister of Energy and Minerals by President Mkapa in February 1997. Kigoda’s rise from a relatively junior post in the Planning Commission to high office was meteoric. On becoming Treasurer to CCM, he joined the inner circle of the ruling party. After one visit to Malaysia, he came home with a large cash contribution to finance an important CCM meeting, though the amount that was eventually used for this purpose is open to dispute. Until events forced him to fall in line behind the Mkapa/ Rutabanzibwa position, Kigoda was a staunch supporter of IPTL. He had stated that there was no contradiction between IPTL and Songas, and that both would be commissioned. After the 2000 presidential and parliamentary elections, Kigoda was replaced by Edgar Maokola-Majogo, a career politician who had consistently toed the pro-IPTL/anti-Rutabanzibwa line in Cabinet, arguing on at least one occasion for Rutabanzibwa to be sacked. Mkapa’s first Minister of Finance, Daniel Yona, another senior pro-IPTL figure, likewise declared nonchalantly that the government could always foot the bill if Tanesco ran out of cash. From early on, the Prevention of Corruption Bureau, which reports directly to the President, took a lively interest in IPTL. Edward Hoseah, Director of the Bureau and Co-ordinator of the government’s anti-corruption strategy, actively pursued the case, and at one point was ready to arrest Rugemalira on corruption charges. Hoseah was systematically thwarted by the Bureau’s Director General, Maj. Gen. A L Kamazima, who along with Chenge, repeatedly told the President that there was no evidence of corruption in IPTL. I was struck by the fact that there was very little adverse commentary from the business community or from the opposition parties concerning IPTL. Looking for a critical local voice, I approached John Cheyo, an opposition Member of Parliament and Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC). We met in the lobby of the Dar es Salaam Sheraton. It was not a good choice. As we talked, none other than James Rugemalira came over to greet him in the warmest manner. I hastily turned over my pile of newspaper cuttings so that he could not see what we were talking about. But it was too late. The following day, Cheyo held a press conference in which he sang the praises of private investments in the power industry, telling the government not to meddle with them! I later heard that he was aggressively anti-Rutabanzibwa in meetings of the PAC. On other occasions, Cheyo has been a strong critic of official misuse of public funds. Much of the anti-IPTL commentary came from the donor community or from foreign journalists. The World Bank’s Resident Representative Ron Brigish was more guarded than his predecessor Motoo Konishi, but he did not hide the Bank’s concerns with the economic implications of IPTL. Just before becoming Swedish Ambassador to Tanzania, Sten Rylander also went on record criticising IPTL. The Swedish aid agency SIDA, heavily involved in supporting Tanesco over many years, had noted: Recent events, especially the IPTL affair, (an unsound contract … for capital costs, commercial arrangements, and security package resulting in a cost of procured energy to Tanesco significantly above its own selling price) have shown that in spite of support to least cost discrete infrastructure projects like Kihansi and Kidatu, the total cost structure for power production can be jeopardised by uninformed Government-private sector deals outside the agreed least cost project frame. … The IPTL contract and the energy policy review have highlighted the need for a proper regulatory regime, anchored in legislation, to ensure competition on fair and equitable conditions … to make the market in the energy sector work…’ (Swedish International Development Agency, Dar es Salaam, 1999) The IPTL issue was raised at the Consultative Group meeting between Tanzania and donor agencies in Dar es Salaam in December 1997 and again in May 2000. In an interview with Reuters, European Delegation Head Peter Christiansen gave voice to continued donor concerns: ‘The European Union was concerned that the government was silent in cases where top ruling party officials and senior government officers were implicated as in the case involving Malaysian-backed IPTL.’ (Guardian, 24 May 2000: 1) Reuters’ Mark Dodd left Tanzania in July 1998. He regretted that he had failed to get a final interview with President Mkapa ‘to ask about the role of the Attorney General and Minister for Minerals and Energy in the signing … of a contract … with IPTL … described by the IMF as “an unsustainable burden on the economy.”’ He continued: ‘The IPTL saga also raises the nagging question of whether a small group of Tanzanian elite are (sic) so devoid of moral scruples as to ruthlessly exploit the long suffering Wananchi [citizens] for short-term gain under the guise of South-South co-operation. … Tanzanians are possibly the worst exploiters of Tanzanians…’. (Daily Mail, 15 July 1998) The local press was used by both pro- and anti-IPTL groups. The state-owned Daily News and Sunday News regularly ran pro-IPTL pieces. Many of my articles and editorials were published in the Family Mirror and Business Times. Most of the time, the other English dailies and weeklies were prepared to carry my pieces. English and Kiswahili papers also carried pro-IPTL commentary, frequently ghosted, and during much of 1998, a healthy debate flourished. My files show that over 40 articles, letters and editorials on IPTL appeared in local English newspapers during the month of May 1998. Never has a single issue generated so much public controversy. When Tanesco finally issued its Notice of Default, the local Transparency International Chapter Chairman, PriceWaterhouseCoopers’ director Ibrahim Seushi, and I drafted a press release, which appeared in the Family Mirror, Business Times and the Sunday Observer (June 12 and 14, 1998) and in the launch edition of East African Alternatives (September 1998) (see Box 2). Box 2: Some Negative Tanzanian Comments on IPTL The Government remains committed to any and all legally binding agreements entered into with IPTL’s foreign and local investors. … negotiations are underway to ensure that the tariff is based on actual, reasonable and verifiable capital and operating costs, a fair return to IPTL’s investors, and an affordable tariff to TANESCO and the national economy. The Government cannot allow Tanzania’s electricity consumers and the economy to be burdened with extraordinarily high electricity tariffs. President Benjamin Mkapa, the Express, 28 May 1998 Ruta[banzibwa] has been opposed to this project for quite some time. Even his bosses know this, and some of them have not been thanking him for it. It is generally known that his views on the subject were consistently given short shrift. Nor was he alone in this, because Tanesco voiced its objections only to find that it did not matter. Jenerali Ulimwengu, former MP, media owner, the African, 24 April 1998. Had it not been for the donor agencies raising eyebrows, the whole controversial IPTL project would have been rammed down our throats with ugly consequences. Whilst the South-South cooperation in all matters is very much desired it should be only for the mutual benefit of South-South countries and not otherwise. Nizar Fazal, investigative journalist, Business Times, 8 May 1998 Look at the contract agreement of MBI and IPTL. It is indeed absurd. Those who sanctioned on the part of the government or Tanesco should be put to task for mishandling these contracts. Their zeal of accumulating financial support should not cripple the economy of this country. Brigadier General Joachim Burcard Ngonyani (Rtd), the African, 3 August 1998 In Tanzania we have a history of things going awry through negligence. Take the IPTL deal – those who signed on the dotted line and thus burdened the peasantry of this country with such a lop-sided deal, are probably sleeping quite soundly at night. Hashim Saggaf, CCM Member of Parliament, the East African, 26 April 1999 Like Tanzania, most African governments are trying to encourage foreign investment, and many are selling off state-owned corporations or entering into management contracts with private companies to supply power and other public goods. If these worthwhile processes are corrupted by opportunistic foreign and local investors in collusion with public officials, then the move towards a viable and competitive market economy will be severely, perhaps definitively compromised. Chairman and Board of Transparency International, Tanzania Chapter, June 1998 Finally, Tunku Abdul Aziz, board member of Transparency International and a major figure in the global integrity movement, lent his eloquent prose to the cause. He wrote: The cancellation of the Malaysian power project by the Tanzanian authorities … has been a matter of great rejoicing in Tanzania because, rightly or wrongly, the perception is that the award of this major contract has been made in indecent haste, and without the accompanying transparency and accountability normally expected in an exercise of this nature. Other Malaysian investments in Africa … have been savagely criticised as being “not in the interests” of the countries concerned, and in all of them, again, rightly or wrongly, the perception is that Malaysian companies have bribed and are bribing their way into lucrative, near monopolistic, niches. … such poor developing countries as Tanzania and Malawi … are already wrestling with massive problems of corruption, and the last thing they need are large doses of our “Made in Malaysia” grease to turn the wheels of their bureaucracy and help entrench what can quite easily become a way of life. (East African Alternatives, September 1998, p. 23) I soon ran foul of IPTL. In a long letter to the African (1 June 1998) titled ‘Brian’s phobia against South-South Commission’, I am dubbed a racist with a ‘pathological hatred of South-South cooperation’, with ‘derogatory tendencies towards African governments, leaders and its people.’ In a letter to Minister of Planning, Nassoro Malocho, IPTL copied an article that appeared in East African Alternatives, and accuse me of having vested interests in Songas. I am referred to as a ‘dangerous underground advisor,’ ‘an academic and business crook,’ with ‘prejudices against African and Asian leaders’. I am further described as a tax-evader, an unlicensed gemstone dealer, a frequenter of a disreputable Dar es Salaam dance hall, a ‘foreigner and a self-appointed energy expert.’ East African Alternatives promptly published excerpts from this five-page diatribe. Minister Malocho never got in touch, though he did circulate the letter among the pro-IPTL group of ministers. Getting The Bigger Picture The ideology of South-South cooperation that led to the establishment of the South Commission and its report Challenge to the South (1990) has been cynically manipulated to justify dubious South-South investments of all kinds, including many emanating from Malaysia. IPTL is one such investment. Colleagues from national chapters of Transparency International gave me examples of Malaysian investments in their countries bearing striking similarities to IPTL. John Githongo, Kenyan journalist and co-founder of TI-Kenya, gave me details of Sabah Shipyard’s involvement in the Kenya power industry, via subsidiary Westmont Power, brokered by the ubiquitous Nicholas Biwott, President Moi’s right hand man. William Nyarko of the Ghanaian Chronicle told me about the part purchase of Ghana Telecom by Telecom Malaysia and another deal involving TV3. John Makumbe of TI-Zimbabwe told me about the highly underpriced purchase of the ****ie power plant by YTL Corporation Bhd. Hudson Anika filled me in on the purchase of Uganda Commercial Bank by Westmont Land (Asia) Bhd. Examples of real estate deals in South Africa have been documented in this book by Vishnu Padayachee and Imraan Valodia of the University of Natal. In meetings in London and Kuala Lumpur, and via e-mail, Tunku Abdul Azizpulled me gently, but firmly, into line with invaluable advice on the subtleties of the relationship between the Malaysian state and the promotion of foreign investment. In the article cited above, he declared that: … the sight of the Prime Minister [Mahathir] herding a gaggle of assorted “businessmen” on his official overseas trips and bending over, ever so protectively, witnessing the signing of one grand MOU after another, has created the impression that the Prime Minister has a direct personal interest in all these deals. … we are dealing, very often, with people in places where corruption is so rampant that they cannot imagine that there are Malaysians who can win major overseas contracts without resorting to corruption. (East African Alternatives, September 1998, p. 24) Dr Johann Lambsdorff of Göttingen University, the brains behind TI’s annual Corruption Perception Index, engaged me in a lively exchange on the extent to which trade patterns do or do not implicate Malaysia in international corruption. His published research (Lambsdorff 1998) suggested that Malaysian exports to Africa were less than they would have been had corruption been driving trade and investment. In fact, his econometric analysis found Malaysia to be one of the cleanest major trading nations in the world. My more qualitative and journalistic approach led me to diametrically opposed conclusions. In 1999, TI and Gallup International surveyed nearly 800 senior executives, accountants, members of chambers of commerce, bankers and lawyers in fourteen emerging markets worldwide. The sampled countries — India, Indonesia, Philippines, South Korea and Thailand in Asia; Argentina, Brazil and Columbia in South America; Hungary, Poland and Russia in Europe; and Morocco, Nigeria and South Africa in Africa — account for about 60 percent of all imports to emerging economies. The nineteen countries listed are the biggest global traders in good and services. The experts were asked to assess the propensity to pay bribes to get business among companies from the countries listed. The countries are ranked on a 1-10 scale, with low numbers indicating high levels of corruption. Table 1 summarises the results (Transparency International http://www.transparency.de). Table 3: Perceptions Of The World’s Major Bribe Givers Most corrupt countries: Score 3.1 to 3.9 Moderately corrupt countries Score 5.1 to 6.2 Least corrupt countries: Score 6.8 to 8.3 China/Hong Kong 3.1 South Korea 3.4 Taiwan 3.5 Italy 3.7 Malaysia 3.9 Japan 5.1 France 5.2 Spain 5.3 Singapore 5.7 United States 6.2 Germany 6.2 Belgium 6.8 United Kingdom 7.2 Netherlands 7.4 Switzerland 7.7 Austria 7.8 Canada 8.1 Australia 8.1 Sweden 8.3 The bribers’ index gave the lie to Prime Minister Mahathir’s rhetoric claiming that it is invariably companies from the North which bring corruption to the South, the argument he used to denounce TI’s corruption perception index in 1997. My own investigations led me to a number of simple conclusions on the pattern of Malaysian investments in Africa. First, the speed with which MOUs and contracts are signed suggests that Malaysian investors circumvent the lengthy procedures that DFI into poor countries normally involves. It is rare for a Malaysian company to lose a ‘competitive’ tender. This suggests, second, high level political support for the proposed investments, and, third, the likelihood that systematic bribery is involved. Fourth, sectors targeted by Malaysian companies are often those undergoing privatisation — with pressure and funding from the Bretton Woods institutions and the donor community — including power, telecommunications, and banking. In all these sectors, rents can be earned as long as the privatisation process and regulatory environment are non-transparent and open to manipulation. This was also true of Malaysia’s experience of privatisation, of course (Gomez and Jomo 1999). Another similarity, fifth, is the mobilisation of targeted political and diplomatic support for the proposed investments. Prime Minister Mahathir actively supports Malaysian investments in Africa and elsewhere, appealing to South-South solidarity as a means of ‘delinking’ from the hegemony of Northern multinationals in the global economy. Mahathir actively lobbies for Malaysian-backed projects when he meets with African heads of state at various international gatherings. There is no secret that Malaysia contributed to the ANC’s election campaign in 1994. Sixth, finding well-placed local middlemen to champion the cause is also a common characteristic. The best choice is a senior politician or retired government official with good access to the political leadership. This ‘comprador’ often advises on the best lobbying strategy, makes the key introductions, facilitates setting up joint ventures to manage the investment, fends off opposition that may arise from potential competitors or nosey donor agencies, and buys positive press coverage. Little or nothing distinguishes the above description from the manner in which certain British, French, Italian, US or other companies operate in similar contexts. Britain’s huge arms sales to the Saudis under Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative government, with her son acting as broker, come readily to mind. In Malaysia, the appalling Pergau dam hydro project ($375 million) was implemented by a major British engineering company with the help of large export subsidies, in exchange for over $2 billion worth of British arms’ purchases. The project was illegal, overpriced and of economically questionable value (Moody-Stuart 1997: 45). It is difficult to imagine a better model for Malaysian investment abroad, where the bill for grand corruption is ultimately footed by the power consumer and the taxpayer. IPTL has been fraught with problems, and was the subject of lengthy and costly arbitration. This leads me to one final characteristic of the Malaysian investment strategy in Africa: it does not necessarily work. There is no argument that investing in Africa can be a high-risk venture, and that, therefore, the potential profits have to be very large. But the regularity with which Malaysian-backed projects turn sour suggests that the investors have overestimated the capacity of their local partners to deliver. Dar es Salaam, May 2000 Further evidence is brought to the London arbitrators to prove that IPTL involved systematic corruption. Patrick Rutabanzibwa has sworn an affidavit that James Rugemalira offered him $200,000 to support IPTL. Rugemalira left a package containing Shs 500,000 at Rutabanzibwa’s home during Christmas 1994. Rutabanzibwa says he returned the package, at the time worth eight and a half months’ salary, to Rugemalira. Rutabanzibwa’s former assistant, Prosper Victus, also testified that he was offered a similar amount to keep key information from Rutabanzibwa. Victus also implicates Mary Ndosi (later Maria Kejo), the state attorney who endorsed the IPTL contract on behalf of the government: ‘When she telephoned me, Mrs Ndosi said … that “we want you to help us get this power project approved” and then she reminded me that Mr Rugemalira would give me 100,000,000 Tanzanian Shillings if the IPTL project were approved. I was shocked to learn that Mrs Ndosi had apparently been corrupted by Mr. Rugemalira.’ (Witness Statement, 19 April 2000, p. 3). Another former assistant, Esther Mzunzu, testified to the Prevention of Corruption Bureau that she accepted a bribe from Rugemalira, albeit a rather small one. She alleges that Rugemalira came to her office sometime in December 1994 and said: “If our proposal goes through, I can give you money. How about $20,000?” She claims that she refused, but later accepted Shs100,000. Her generally pro-IPTL behaviour suggests that, if she only received Shs100,000, she was cheap at the price. In a long letter to Attorney General Andrew Chenge, Rugemalira defends himself against these accusations and claims, as he has done many times before, that there is a conspiracy between Songas and the World Bank to drive him out of the market. He also announces his intention to sue Rutabanzibwa, Victus and Masunzu for personal defamation. Unless IPTL wins the arbitration case, James Rugemalira’s days of unbridled hubris are behind him, and it would serve as an object lesson to like-minded international corrupters if the roles of Wärtsilä, Mechmar, Sime Bank, and Bank Bumiputra in this entirely unseemly saga were to be fully investigated. The list of senior Tanzanian politicians and officials implicated in IPTL is so long that I cannot imagine anyone being brought to justice for taking or offering bribes, even though the Prevention of Corruption Bureau has a file that thick on IPTL. London, 2 February 2001 The International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes rules that Tanesco had enough information to challenge IPTL’s change from low- to medium-speed diesel generators well in advance of their installation. Tanesco should therefore proceed to negotiate terms with IPTL for the purchase of electric power. These negotiations will be based on an assumed project cost of $123.5 million, or $26.5 million less than the $150 million that IPTL had claimed as project costs. The tribunal finds that IPTL had indeed failed to act with due diligence in regard to the switch from SSD to MSD technology without challenging the significant price increase by the manufacturers Wärtsilä between their initial and their final bid. Another plus from Tanesco’s point of view is the tribunal’s refusal to award IPTL claims for lost income of over $50 million, as a result of failure to produce the relevant costing information to Tanesco and for their part in the unauthorised technology switch. In Dar es Salaam, the tribunal’s verdict is hailed as a ‘victory’ for Tanesco. I try to put the record straight by pointing out that any deal with IPTL represents an unnecessary burden on Tanzania’s power consumer, since the power that IPTL will generate is readily available from cheaper alternative sources. The London tribunal rejects Tanesco’s evidence concerning corruption, on the grounds that Tanesco had presented too little, too late. The additional evidence that Tanesco had planned to present to the tribunal was blocked in Dar es Salaam. Under Tanzanian law, proof of corruption is enough to invalidate a contract. Both the Prevention of Corruption Bureau and the Directorate of Criminal Investigations have collected large amounts of information on the corruption dimension of IPTL, but President Mkapa has resisted all attempts to allow the case to be brought to court. On July 26, 2001, Minister of Energy and Minerals Edgar Maokola-Majogo announces to Parliament that IPTL will start generating at full capacity in October. In a subsequent press conference, the Minister announced that Tanesco will incur costs of around $2.8 million a month to meet IPTL’s ‘capacity charge’, that is, the project’s standby costs and capital repayments, before any power is generated. Tanesco can only meet these costs by increasing power tariffs, already high by African standards. If Tanesco cannot find the money, the Treasury will be called upon to honour the debt, since Tanesco’s contract with IPTL is guaranteed by the Tanzanian government. Basil Mramba, who replaced Minister of Finance Daniel Yona after the 2000 elections, is unsympathetic to IPTL. Even so, the 2001/2 national budget includes a provision of $20 million to bale out TANESCO in the (likely) event that it is unable to meet IPTL’s ‘capacity charge’ plus operating costs. As a result of the London tribunal findings, James Rugemalira tries to dissociate himself from involvement in the overpricing of IPTL, putting all the blame on Mechmar. He claims that VIPEM, the Tanzanian partner in IPTL, ‘was cheated by Mechmar on the issue of the true capital cost in the same way as TANESCO was cheated. The problems arose out of apparent business dishonesty by our Malaysian partners…’ Thus, the disallowed capital costs and the cost of delay in implementation should be picked up by Mechmar, not IPTL. For good measure, Rugemalira presents Mechmar with an invoice for nearly $800,000, including unspecified ‘miscellaneous expenses’ incurred between 1994-2001 worth $200,000. In an email to Mr Rugemalira, Mechmar’s financial advisor Willy Lim reacts to Rugemalira’s letter to Minister Majogo: ‘What were you thinking of? That you should absolve yourself of any blame …? That you could equate your perception of being “cheated” by Mechmar in the same way that you felt that TANESCO was “cheated” by Mechmar? You cannot say with a straight face that you have IPTL’s interests at heart.’ 15 January 2002 Seven and a half years after signing the MOU, IPTL finally starts supplying power to the Tanzanian grid. In an article in the East African on February 18, I estimate that, running at 50% capacity, IPTL will cost Tanesco $4.6 million a month, or $55 million a year. At nearly 13 cents a unit, IPTL power is twice as expensive as a similar plant run by Wärtsilä in Kenya. I refer to the extra six cents per unit as the ‘IPTL mark-up.’ Box 3 contains further quotes from the article: Box 3: And IPTL Said: Let There Be Light… But It’s Going to Cost You ‘IPTL will bankrupt Tanesco, force up the price of electricity to industrial and domestic users alike, and oblige the Treasury to introduce power subsidies. The consequences are likely to be catastrophic for the industrial sector, foreign investment prospects, and the planned privatisation of Tanesco. … In brief, by Tanzanian standards, IPTL is a rip-off of unprecedented proportions. … In the event that Tanesco runs short of cash, the Treasury will step in to foot the bill. The 2001 Finance Act contains a provision to that effect, although it did not figure in the Minister of Finance’s budget speech of 14th June. The Treasury have already held discussions with the International Monetary Fund on how to pay Tanesco a monthly cash subsidy to offset the cost of IPTL. … Without IPTL, the Ubungo turbines would now be running on natural gas. (The Songo Songo project was purposely held up by IPTL intrigue). Not that it matters: three of the Ubungo turbines have been ‘shut down and need a staggering (sic) 4bn/- for repairs, Tanesco engineers told the Daily News.’ (December 14th). … The current rains have raised water levels in the dams. Curious therefore that Tanesco should decide to shut down one of Kidatu’s 50 megawatt turbines - for ‘routine maintenance’ - just as water levels are rising. Why not wait for a few months until water levels begin to fall? … Tanesco may soon be forced to spill water from our dams in order to keep IPTL chugging along as planned.’ Source: East African, February 18, 2002 Hardly two months after IPTL start power production, its minority shareholders VIPEM file a suit in the Tanzanian High Court to wind up the company unless they receive thirty percent of IPTL equity. VIP are concerned that they may not receive their ‘fair share’ of the dividends from IPTL over the project’s twenty year life span. VIP estimate the net present value of their share of these dividends at $100 million. They enter into negotiations to sell their interests in IPTL to the National Social Security Fund for this amount. The commissioning of IPTL passes almost without comment. The pros and cons of the project are no longer an object for public discussion. The press, business associations, donors and ‘civil society’ are deafeningly silent over the catastrophe that is IPTL. This is a sure sign that, at least for the moment, the ‘system’ has won. One donor argues that for ‘Tanzania not to meet its external commitments’ would send the wrong signals to potential investors! But Tanzanian electricity is the most expensive in central and southern Africa. IPTL could help seal the fate of Tanzania’s already uncompetitive manufacturing industry. Epilogue The direct and opportunity costs of IPTL to the Tanzanian economy are extremely high. Without IPTL, the country would already be exploiting its huge resources of natural gas and saving on imported kerosene for the Ubungo turbines. The losses to the Tanzanian economy as a result of the power shortages of 1997 could have been avoided had Songas been implemented on time rather than sidelined by IPTL. Huge private investments in stand-by generators were another avoidable cost. The amount of time, energy and travel wasted by government officials in chasing after IPTL, including international arbitration, particularly by Patrick Rutabanzibwa, could have been put to much better use. Countries like Tanzania will never be able to aspire to the rates of economic growth and social development achieved by countries like Malaysia in the absence of ruling élites whose rent-seeking strategies contribute to rather than subtract from the public good. It is one thing for politicians and bureaucrats to take a cut from a valid investment that generates significant employment, turns out useful products, and contributes to government revenue.

Monday, March 06, 2006

NAMNA HII TUTAFIKA KWELI?

Mwaka 2003 Raisi wa Jamhuri ya muungano wa Tanzania aliingiza timu jijini Rome kwenda kufungua afisi mpya ya ubalozi wa Tanzania. Kwa Tanzania, mojawapo ya nchi nchi masikini sana ulimwenguni ambayo iliamua kujitutumua angalau angalau kukombeleza kile kidogo kilichopo na kuanza kujitangaza walau hawa jamaa wafikirie kuja kuwekeza nchini kwetu maana kama njaa iliishaingia suala lililobaki ni kumuuliza dada mkubwa mkubwa ajitume angalau tuliobaki tusife njaa na yule mdogo kabisa aweze kwenda shule huwezi ukajua labda atakuwa Kikwete wa kesho na kuhakikisha kuwa watu wengi na familia nyingi kama za kwetu ambazo zimetumia na zinaendelea kutumia rasilimali zake kwa hali na mali kujenga taifa bila kudai malipo angalau hazilali na njaa kama sisi tunavyolala! walau wazazi sijui kama tutafika na haya magonjwa ya kisasa ndio kama desturi ya siku, lakini Inshallah, Mwenyeezi Mungu tunayemwamini atasaidia saidia watoto wetu wasibanikike bila sababu ya msingi, kwani kuna vijana wa hapa kijijini kwetu waliotoka chuo kikuu na wako hapa kwa ajili ya likizo walidai kuwa eti nchi yetu ina mali nyingi ila tatizo tu ni kama huna meno (kama mimi baba yao niliyekuwa narudisha ruzuku serekali kiasi cha watanzania wengine kudai nilikuwa nalaza damu). wakaongezea kusema kuwa eti nchi yetu inajengwa na wenye moyo / vibogoyo na kuliwa na wenye meno! LOH AJABU HII!!ETI MIMI NI KIBOGOYO!

Katika kuangaza huku na kule, Tanzania (moja ya nchi masikini sana ulimwenguni - na yenye maslahi duni sana kwa watendaji wake hata ikilinganisha na nchi nyingi sana hata zile zenye vita za afrika)ikajikakamua na kuona kuwa kuwa na ubalozi jijini Rome nchini Italia kule kule anakotoka Pope na kwenye vivutio vingi vya utalii ni njia moja wapo ya kuifanya Tanzania yetu kuibuka kidedea (si unakumbuka hata wazee wenye hela nyingi zisizo na kazi wanaotafuta kuwekeza wa Mafia ndio kwao? ). Ombi la mshiko wa shilingi bilioni 3 likatolewa ili kuifanya Tanzania kupanda chati na kuwa na jengo la ubalozi Italy! wazo lilionekana la maana na la msingi sana! wananchi na wauza nyanya chungu wakalipa kodi (usiulize ni katika mazingira gani walilipa hizo kodi - lakini ni kwa staili ile ile ya kufunga mkanda na kuminya minya maslahi ya watanzania waaminifu na wajinga wasiokuwa wanasiasa!). unajua bwana kitu cha 3 Bn kina uwezo wa kumfanya mwekezaji ashtuke na kuingiza timu haraka haraka! wazo lilikuwa zuri!

Katika watu muhimu kwa mujibu wa kaka michuzi ambao Tanzania iliwatuma wahakikishe kuwa Tanzania inapiga bao kisawasawa ni balozi wa Tanzania nchini italia Prof. Costa R. Mahalu (Profesa wa sheria). Akiwa kizito wizarani Profesa Mahalu alifanya kazi na Waziri Mkapa wakati huo Wizara ya sayansi na Elimu ya juu - kipindi hiko ukitaka kupata scholarship ya serekali kusoma nje hata kama ni China ni budi na lazima uwakilishe bahasha kwa memba wa mtandao fulani ! wachilia mbali zile fununu nilizozipata mtaani za kutuma allowances marekani kwa wanafunzi maruhani. LOH AJABU HII! HIVI INAWEZEKANAJE HAYA MAMBO??

BASI kama kawaida watanzania waliokuwa mitaa ya Rome na karibu karibu (unajua tena kule ni kwa Pope na watawa wetu wanaotumikia kanisa katoliki ni wengi)

wakahamasishwa kuja kuonana na Raisi Benjamin W. Mkapa wakati amekwenda kufungua jengo na pia kushuhudia ufunguzi huo! si unajua tena Wabongo japo wamechoka choka lakini hawakatishwi tamaa na siku zote huamini katika falsafa ya bwana Miruko kuwa siku itafika tu! wakajitokeza kwa wingi kuhudhuria ufunguzi huo!

Kama ilivyo kawaida ya mambo ya protokali baada ya mheshimiwa Raisi wa awamu ya tatu kutinga kwenye jengo alisaini kitabu cha wageni! hapa najua wengi mnajua kuwa huwa ana kurasa wake fresh na anasaini woote! kama anavyoonekana pichani ni mheshimiwa Raisi wa awamu ya tatu alimwaga wino wakati Balozi Prof. Costa R. Mahalu akiwa anashuhudia kwa heshima, nidhamu na taadhima ya hali ya juu huku ameshikilia kikohozi hata kama kilikuwepo! mambo ya uwazi na ukweli hayo!

Kama kawaida baada ya shughuli basi wabongo waliotinga eneo la tukio nao wakapata fursa ya kuongea na mzee mzima Ben wakimpa uptdate za Tanzania viwanja vikali naye akiwapa moja na lengine kuhusiana na mikakati yake ya kuhakikisha kuwa uchumi unapanda na ikibidi kwa asilimia 10 kwa mwaka. (mara nyingi huwa siyapendi sana maeneo haya kwani huwa yanaongelea na kuwakilisha mitindo ya wana network na ya vijana waliokulia O'bay na Masaki- na si watanzania at large! - na mara nyingi hayawahusu vijana wenye vipawa ambao wanashindwa kuendelea na masomo ughaibuni kwa kukosa ada).

Raisi wa awamu ya tatu kama mzazi, kiongozi wa nchi na rafiki wa familia ya Mheshimiwa balozi alipata muda wa kuwa na wanafamilia hiyo na hata kupiga picha pamoja nao! Kwa kweli shughuli ile ilikuwa ni jambo la kufurahiwa na kila mtu kwa nafasi yake, kama taifa na kama familia! na kwa vijana kama hawa wakiwa na uhakika kabisa na future yao sio yu kielimu bali pia kimaisha! Kufanikiwa kuwa na wa/mzazi ambaye amefanikiwa katika nyanja zote kuanzia Elimu hadi Siasa ni jambo la kujivunia hasa kwa nchi inayohitaji kuwa na copyright ili kuishi vyema! wachilia mbali kuondoa nuksi kwa kupozi na mkuu wa nchi! we unacheza nini?

Haya tena hayawi hayawi yamekuwa mkuu wa nchi ndio huyo amebariki ufunguzi wa jengo na hapo ndio anaongea na vibosile wetu walioko huko Italia! hapa ilikuwa mwaka 2003! cha ajabu ni kwamba leo hii 2006 kwa mujibu wa ripoti ya mkaguzi mkuu wa hesabu za serekali na Taasisi ya Kuzuia Rushwa (TAKURU) imeonyesha kuwa jengo lile la ubalozi lilinunuliwa kwa shilingi BILIONI MOJA TU! na sio BILIONI 3 kama ilivyodaiwa! uchunguzi ulifanywa hata kwa kumbana aliyeuza nyumba na kukiri hivyo, na kwamba hizo nyingine zimetafunwa na wataalamu! wengineo wakiwepo hapo chini na mheshimiwa Raisi wa awamu ya Tatu!. Je mheshimiwa raisi alilijua hilo? Je wale watanzania waliosafiri kuja kupiga makofi walilijua hilo? au miongoni mwa hao waheshimiwa waliopozi na Raisi ndio wahusika wenyewe? Je wale watoto waliopozi na Raisi wamekuwa wakifundishwa nini? Je ni yapi wanayarithi kwa wazazi wao? Je ni sahihi kuendelea na dhana ya kurithishana uongozi hata kama hakuna stahili? Je si wakati wa kuvunja dhana za kipumbafu ambazo hazina msaada kwa taifa letu?

Hadi makala hii inachapishwa, Balozi Profesa Costa R. Mahalu teyari ameonyesha mfano kwa kuwa balozi wa kwanza kusimamishwa kutokana na skendo hii noma la Mahalu. Heko raisi wetu JK tuko wengi nyuma yako! na hutaishiwa na watendaji! Hata ukifukuza 1,000 !! tumejua umedhamiria kujenga taifa la kisasa!

Swali lililobaki ni je! kusimamishwa inatosha? hizo bilioni mbili si bado tunazihitaji? sijui wanablogu mnasemaje? je tuzisare? Sasa kama maprofesa ndio wanaongoza kutia aibu, je kuna haja ya kuwa na PhD ili uwe mbunge au raisi? je tunasemaje kuhusu skendo ya PhD tatu zinazodaiwa kuwa ni feki zilivyoripotiwa na mwanablogu Miruko na wanakumekucha na teyari kwa kuaminiwa zimetinga katika wizara nyeti za serekali ya awamu ya nne? je mwaka huu atapona mtu kweli?

Tuesday, February 28, 2006

Wakuu wa Afrika

Asalam Alaykum ndugu wapendwa. Pamoja na kupotea siku mbili tatu niliweza kukatiza mitaa hadi kwa ndugu zangu kuanzia hapa kwa bwana mwandani ambapo nilimkuta kidume Bob Robert Mukgabi kwa mujibu wa Tungaraza kang’aa bila miwani utadhani marumaru ya kiajemi bila mbao zake za kuonea usoni! Alikuwa amenyoosha mkono juu akiashiria urafiki na marehemu Joshua Nkomo. Lakini ukisoma na ukiiangalia habari ile utagundua kuwa bob alifurahi tu baada ya kuhakikishiwa kuwa ataendelea kukamata jackpot na si vinginevyo!

Afrika ni bara la ajabu sana ambapo watu hawajataka kuwa huru, uhuru mkubwa kabisa kimawazo na kuheshimu haki za raia wengine wa bara hili. Hii imefanya hata wenzetu wa magharibi kuendelea kuwa na wasiwasi kama vichwa vyetu vinafanya kazi sawasawa! Maana huonekana kama huwa tunaanza na mnazi badala ya chai asubuhi! Hii imefanya pia na wao kuanza kuchukua advantage kutupiga bao! Si mnajua asiyejua maana haambiwi maana? Wachilia mbali asiyetaka kujua maana!

Viongozi wengi wa Afrika toka zamani hadi sasa wametamani sana kuwa wafalme! Na hii ikawafanya wafikirie kuunda demokrasia ya mtindio ya Afrika! Ben Mkapa naye amekuwa ni muumini ya demokrasia ya kiafrika! Mara zote ni kosa kumpa wasaa Mzee Ben akiwa ni champion wa fasihi kwani ana uwezo wa kuwashawishi wale wa upande wa pili kuwa anachosema ni sahihi hata kama sio sahihi ! kuna vilivyo sahihi alivyowahi kuvisema lakini mara zote amekuwa akijizungumzia yeye na wale wanamaslahi waliomzunguka wengi wao wakiwa wametupwa huku na kule ulimwenguni wakila starahe 24/7!....nitatoa mfano Dr. Ben akiwa anapewa PhD ya heshima ya sheria katika chuo kikuu cha Lesotho Roma Campus aliongelea mengi moja wapo ni muundo wa demokrasia ya Afrika. (kiungo hakiunganishi lakini mkiitaka nitawatumia nakala yake, nimeihifadhi).

I also accepted the invitation because I have always wanted to come here and pay my respects and tribute to the glorious and heroic Basotho ancestry, the independence of this country and the innovativeness of its leaders and people in their PROCESS OF POLITICAL MODERNISATION. We in Tanzania followed with keen interest the evolutionary development of your constitution, the strengthening of your electoral machinery and processes, and the entrenchment of the system of democratic REPRESENTATION SUITABLE TO YOUR CIRCUMSTANCES (which circumstances? mbona hajazungumza? Kuhalalisha William na vizazi vyake wanatawala daima na sio Omari na vizazi vyake?). Je mheshimiwa raisi wa wakati huo ana uhakika kuwa alichosema hapa wana Lesotho walikifurahia? nadhani kuna haja ya kujifunza majority wanafikiria nini na wanajisikiaje badala ya kutukuza wakuu!

Democracy and good governance are universal values, but we do not have to copy, hook, line and sinker, Western democratic models developed by, and anchored in, societies that are different from ours. Universal values of democracy, human rights and good governance are not a cult; they have to be tailored to the society in question. Even in the old democracies, democratic governance systems and processes are not uniform. We can and we should have democracy and good governance with African characteristics (DEMOKRASIA YA AFRIKA INASISITIZA KUIBA KURA – AU INAKUWA IKITRANSFORM INTO MONARCHY – UFALME? Mfano Swaziland? Gabon, Uganda? Perhaps Tanzania? ).


Alipokuwa chuoni miaka ya 1960 Bwana Harry Raid alijadiliana na Marehemu lord acton “Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power tends to corrupt absolutely.” gonga hapa huyu bwana alikuja kuelewa somo baadaye sana baada ya kumaliza shule ni nini maana ya ujumbe huu!! – ni kwa namna hiyo hiyo hata bwana Githogo ambaye amejiuliza kila kukicha kabla ya kupata cheo kilichomweka kwenye nafasi ya kuibua kimbembe cha Anglo leasing huko Kenya "I have always been fascinated by the connection between corruption and politics," Githongo natumaini kama anagalikuwa kwenye darasa moja na bwana Harry Raid angenufaika zaidi! …nadhani ni zaidi ya hapo, najua alielewa kabisa labda swali la mana zaidi la kujiuliza kuwa “ni kwa nini imekupasa kuendelea kung’ang’ania madaraka – ikibidi kwa rushwa?” je kiongozi anayepatikana katika mazingira ya rushwa anatufaa? ndio suala la msingi la kujua ili kujua jinsi rushwa inavyopaliliwa! Mwanablogu Tungaraza alituibua na kimbembe cha dola milioni 3.7 (ambazo kimsingi zingekuza ufanisi katika jeshi la polisi kama sio kukabiliana na njaa au hata upungufu wa umeme) zilizopotea katika jeshi la polisi !. Kwa wakati huo huo tunamuona muhishimiwa sana mbunge na waziri mtarajiwa wa wizara nyeti ya Tanzania siku si nyingi, Bwana Omari Ali Mahita akiendelea kujihakikishia kuwa yeye ni mungu mtu ndani ya sayari Tanzania! Kwa kuuhakikishia uma kuwa kama alivyosema ataondoka kwa kustafu polisi anastaafu huyooo ndivyo itavyokuwa na kutangaza kustaafu wiki hii mwishoni. Teyari tunaona wakubwa (sio wadogo) katika jeshi la polisi teyari kama ilivyo utaratibu wa serekali zinazoongozwa na mkumborasia (sio demokrasia) kama alivyoziita bwana Nkya wameanza kumsifia kuwa amefanya mengi kwa taifa na ni mfano wa kuigwa!. Polisi wadogo wamelia kuwa jeshi limeendeswa kama idara binafsi kilio cha polisi wadogo .

Naye pia akawaasa waache kusikiliza uzabina ambao unataka kuligawa Jeshi la polisi “sijui katika makundi yapi na yapi yaliishakuwapo na yapi ambayo hayajawahi kuwepo kabla” ! Sijui kama wanajua kuwa saa yeyote anaweza kutinga The Hague, au wanataka kutuambia kuwa wao damu za watu ambazo Mahita amezimwaga bila sababu yoyote ya msingi ni jambo la kuchekewa! Mahita ni IGP ambaye amechemsha kuliko wote na ameongoza kuvunja sheria na haki za demokrasia na binadamu. Wachilia mbali tuhuma zinazomkabili za kujipatia “utajiri mchafu!” Wakati CCM ikiendelea kuwa katika njia panda juu ya njia mbadala ya “kuepusha shari” kama ilivyonukuliwa na bwana Mpinganjira shari tupu CCM hadi ikafikia kipindi bwana Chitalilo kushindwa kuvumilia na kupania kuwafukuza wabunge wa CUF kwa kuanzisha kimbembe cha Mahita Bungeni mchemsho wa Chitalilo. nadhani mkabala umekuwa ni yeye kutangaza kuwa aliomba kitambo kustaafu na raisi JK aliishalikubali hilo! ..hivyo yanayoendelea sasa ni maneno ya inzi ambayo hayamyimi simba kula windo lake. Wakati bwana Mahita akiachia ngazi kwa minyato “cut walk” na maringo mithili ya dume la twiga, hivi tunavyoongea teyari amemuaga waziri kiongozi wa Zanzibar byebye Shamsi
.

Wakati Mkuu Mahita anayoyoma kwa “cut walk” ni siku chache kwa mujibu wa bwana Michuzi raisi akihutubia wakati akifungua semina ya TAKURU alizumgumzia eneo la nne lililogubikwa na rushwa na la kufanyia kazi.....kuwa ni SIASA na akaomba TAKURU walishughulikie severely!! - SUALA HAPA NI JE ALICHOFANYA MAHITA SI SI RUSHWA? . Hapa amemwacha Mh. Raisi Kikwete na swali gumu la kujibu kuwa je anaungana na bwana Ben kuhusu matumizi mabaya ya polisi kuvunja haki za wananchi wake? Je yuko tayari kuchafua CV yake, charisma na uwezo wake kama mwanasiasa kukiri kuwa, asilimia 80 % ya wapiga kura kumpa yeye kura ni matokeo ya juhudi ya bosi wa polisi? Na pia kuona kuwa maendeleo, upendo na imani ya wananchi kwake inafunikwa kama giza?. Kwa kweli jinsi mh. Raisi atavyoujibu mtihani huu ndio dira pekee ya kuuonyesha umma kuwa amedhamiria kupambana na makunyanzi la sivyo historia itajirudia kuwa Fupa lililomshinda fisi yeye atalimudu vipi? kama alivyoandika bwana Karl Lyimo mwaka jana natafuta ukuu wamwalimu . Wakati tukiendelea na kutafakari hii je mauaji ya Sinza na uundwaji wa tume yanaweza kabisa kuwa Drama ya kufunika hili suala? Mie siongezi hapa – majibu mnayo wenyewe!

Katika hotuba yake Mheshimiwa Mkapa alivishambulia pia vyuo vikuu vya hapa nyumbani kuwa havifanyi kazi inavyotakiwa!


The oldest and biggest university in Tanzania, the University of Dar es Salaam, is situated on top of a hill overlooking the city, hence its nickname “The Hill”. This fits and reinforces the notion of intellectual aloofness that is often, rightly or wrongly, ascribed to university dons and graduates in their fancy hoods and gowns. My apprehension in addressing university communities derives from the belief that, in Africa, town and gown do not often see eye to eye.

So, I thought that since I am about to leave office, I could afford to venture into the delicate arena of relations between the town and gown in Africa. After all the people who run and manage the town were once in hoods and gowns too. – KWA NINI ANAFANYA AKITOKA IKULU? SWALI HILI PIA LINAENDA KWA DR. SALMIN AMOUR AMBAYE ANAUJADILI MUUNGANO KAMA MTAZAMAJI WA MPIRA AMBAYE HANA UWEZO WA KUFUNGA GOLI!


And I am sorry to say that most African universities, upon which we depend to produce the next generation of African leaders, do not sufficiently internalise these challenges into their curricula, research programmes and general disposition. In general terms, our academics evince the greatest inertia in this regard. In my work with the World Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalisation, and later in the Commission for Africa, and since then, I have bought and read many books and research papers on these subjects. Believe me, the contribution of African scholars, academics and researchers to such debates and literature is negligible. It is us Africans who are most adversely affected by the status quo; yet we leave it to scholars, academics and researchers from rich industrialised countries to analyse our predicament for us, and determine the agenda ahead for us. – JE ALIFANYA JUHUDI GANI KUHAKIKISHA KUWA VYUO VRETU VINAFANYA KAZI INAVYOTAKIWA? JE KWANINI ALIRUHUSU VYURA WA KIHANSI KUPELEKWA MAREKANI KUTUNZWA NA KUFANYIWA UTAFITI KITU KINACHOIGHARIMU SEREKALI HELA NYINGI? JE HATUNA WATALAMU MAPROFESA NA MAPROFESA WA ZOOLOGY HAPO UD? Hivi karibuni Raisi JK ameamrisha kurejeshwa kwa vyura wetu! chura wetu warudi

Sio kwamba nimepanda jukwaani kumshambulia Ben la hasha, ila nimekuwa na wasiwasi na miwani anayotumia kuona mambo kwenye baadhi ya maeneo. Lakini labda imetokana na kulelewa katika mfumo ambao haujawahi kumtenda ovu kama bwana Lyimo alivyofafanua, au kwa kifupi ameshinda akila mema ya nchi “Apparently, Mkapa had been in a class taught by Nyerere at Pugu Secondary School in the 1950s. Later in life, he had served in the Nyerere Administration in ROLES THAT MANY WOULD ENVY, but would FIND DIFFICULT TO LAND under the austere Mwalimu”. Mfano kama yeye akiwa serekalini hakuwahi kuulizwa kuhusu rushwa je kwanini yeye ahoji watendaji wake? Tunakumbuka alisisitiza aletewe evidence na kwa upande wa pili maana yake ni kusisitiza wafanyakazi wake wale rushwa kisayanzi zaidi? Labda wimbi hili la lawama katika maeneo Fulani Fulani ndilo limemfanya hata JK apande jukwaani na kuitetea miwani na utendaji ya serekali iliyopita kong'oli hapa.

Kupanda kwangu jukwaani ni kuja kuangalia je ni aina gain ya demokrasi tunayoitaka Afrika? Je demokrasia hukamilika pale tu shemeji anapoupata ubunge au uwaziri ? viongozi wa Afrika wakiongozwa na mwanafasihi Ben wamekuwa mbele kuwashutumu wale wa magharibi kuwa ‘wale wa magharibi huona demokrasia imekamilika pale tu upinzani ukishinda’ ! binafsi sioni mantiki ya usemi huu zaidi ya kwamba una lengo la kujitafutia legitimacy ya kupata ushindi hata pale ambapo hakukuwa na ushindi ! usemi huu una mantiki ya kusisitiza kuwa mtawala aendelee kuwa mtawala hata kama hafanyi mema kwa watu wake ! lakini tukirudi kwa hao wenzetu wa magharibi, je hatuoni mabadiliko ya mara kwa mara katika uongozi ? je hatukiri kuwa mabadiliko hayo yana maana kwa watu wake ? siko kwenye kampeni ya kudai legitimacy ya JK au AK kuwepo madarakani ila nina maana ya kuwa je kwanini ilifikia mahali utashi wa binadamu ukaonekana kuwa ndio chombo cha kufanya maamuzi ya uongozi ? na je kama utashi huo hautaenziwa kuna haja gani ya kufanya maigizo na kupoteza mamilioni ya fedha badala ya kuzipeleka katika shughuli nyengine za maendeleo ? je Mheshimiwa Mkapa alikuwa anamnyooshea kidole nani alipokuwa anasema haya ? je tunakumbuka jinsi mwanataaluma mwandishi Mheshimiwa Mkapa aliposhindwa kusubstantiate maoni yake haya katika kipindi cha hard talk na kuanza kufoka ? ni vyema tukajifunza kuwa na arguments ambazo zimelala ilipo haki – kamwe hatutawaona waandishi wa wenzetu wabaya !

Watawala wa afrika wamekuwa wakiendelea kukumbatia uchafu kwa labda kuogopa kucross line « kutoingilia mambo ya ndani ya nchi nyengine » au "kumfagilia mtawala mwovu "! kuna kina Omari Bongo mmoja wa viongozi aliyetawala Gabon kwa muda mrefu tu akiwa mtu mwenye mali nyingi sana na kuongoza moja ya nchi masikini sana afrika ! Labda hapa niweke mtihani « je Julius Nyerere aling’atuka au alipaswa kuachia jukwaa ? » "je ni nani anaweza akaongelea umaarufu wa mwalimu ambao angekuwa nao sasa hivi kama angeendelea kung’ang’ania madaraka ? " « je angeweza kuwa raisi bora wa wakati ule kuliko alivyokuwa Ali Mwinyi ? ». Binafsi pamoja na kufikiria kuingia kwenye jumuiya ya Afrika Mashariki bado sioni ni kwa nini viongozi wameendelea kumkumbatia Museveni (pamoja na demokrasia wanayoona inayowafaa Waganda), Wamemtukuza Bakili Muluzi ambaye ameifikisha Malawi kwenye matatizo kwa kuwa mla rushwa namba moja. Miaka takribani miwili raisi mpya wa Malawi amekuwa akipigana kufa na kupona kupambana na nguvu za Muluzi ambaye alifika mahala akajipa kila chanzo cha uchumi cha malawi wachilia mbali kusajili mali zote na magari yote ya chama chake kwa jina lake, hivyo kutoa pale tu anapoabudiwa ! ni Muluzi huyo huyo ambaye aliuza « alipiga dili » mahindi ya akiba ya taifa na hivyo kuitumbukiza Malawi kwenye baa la taifa la njaa ! na baada ya hapo kama kawaida ya viongozi wetu "wanapoharibu" akarusha shutuma kwa IMF ! Lakini kwa namna ya ajabu waMalawi wakashangaa kumwona Waziri John Komba na TOT yake wakiingiza timu kumpigia kampeni kwenye kipindi chake chga pili ! yeye alipania kuwa raisi wa maisha wa Malawi !. tumemsikia Museveni akitaja taja Nyerere na CCM akiwa kwenye kujifagilia maana imedaiwa kuwa CCM ni chama imara kuliko vyote Afrika ! « mimi ninaona kuwa katiba ya AU ina haja kubadilishwa na kuainishwa waziwazi kuwa kuingilia mambo nchi ya mwezio ni ruksa ikiwa tu unatetea maslahi ya wazee- watawala na sio fukara, wanyonge, na hohe hahe wapiga kura kama kina sie ambao tuko wengi ! »

Viongozi wanaoingia ikulu kwa mazingira ya rushwa hujisahau kwani wamekuwa katika ulimwengu tofauti kabisa na wa wapiga kura wao, na ni biashara ambayo iliishaisha ! rushwa ya kisiasa nayo ina matatizo mengi sana mara nyingine hupelekea matatizo kama yaliyomkuta Bob Robert Mugabe ambaye kwangu mimi ndiye kiini cha mjadala ! labda kabla sijaendelea na mjadala huu nitanukuu mambo machache. Nitajitahidi kuangalia pande zote ili kuepuka ile dhana ya kutupa shutuma kwa «vyombo vya magharibi kuwa vinawaonea waheshimiwa sana watawala wa afrika , wao pamoja na wapendwa wao » na « pengine havitekelezi haki kwa walio wengi » !. tumeona ni jinsi gani watu wamekarabatiwa na polisi katika uchaguzi ulizopita wakati « vyombo vyetu vikikaa kimya na kupamba taarifa za uchaguzi sina uhakika ni kwa ajili ya walio wengi ? » na vyombo vya magharibi vikilaumiwa kwa « kusema ukweli pengine pia kwa manufaa ya walio wengi ?» - kwa hili sisemi sana maana kila mtanzania siku hizi amegeuka mpiga dili kwa kizungu « misheni tauni » – kutibu njaa ya muda huo na kumwachia mungu ya kesho !. kwa wasomaji wa blogu basi tusome blogu nadhani Zimbabwe inaongoza (tafuta tu kwenye blogu), ili kuacha kudai hii ni CNN na hii ni BBC, pia tuwatafute wa Zimbabwe popote walipo ili tujue ni nini hasa kinachoendelea !

Binafsi nikiwa Mtanzania niliyekuwa ndani ya yai muda mrefu nikileweshwa na historia za ukombozi wa mtu mweusi sikuwa tayari kukusolewa kwa wapigania uhuru wetu ! labda nilimwona Mukgabi kuwa ni mtu wa maana hadi nilipojua ya kwake ! umaana wa Mugabe ulikuwepo kwenye kudai uhuru na kusomesha watu wake Zimbabwe ikiwa na asilimia 85 % wasomi fanikio na kutafsiriwa ndio imekuwa pia ni hatari kwake kwani viongozi weni wa afrika hawapendi wasomi kwani wanageuka mbu na kuwanyima usingizi !

kwa taarifa tu kuhusu habari ya wakimbizi , zaidi ya robo ya wazimbabwe waliishatoroka nchini kwao na katika hao asilimia 70 % ya wasomi waliishaishia ! wakimbizi Zimbabwe . hadi mwaka jana katikati Mugabe aliisha tengeneza wakimbizi milioni 3 kwa afrika kusini peke yake!.... Hapa nilipo SA kuna wazimbabwe wengi tu kwani hadi kufika mwaka jana kati kati teyari waliishakuwepo milioni tatu ! wanakuja kuongeza namba yetu MAKWEREKWERE!

Jamani kwa wenzetu ambao labda mpo popote ulimwenguni tujitahidi kuangalia hili suala kwa undani zaidi ya kusema wazungu versus waafrika! Mmesahau Ben aliwahi kutuambia kuwa « paka ni paka tu halijali rangi? » kabla hatujafika mbali labda tusome huu uchambuzi wa Profesa Moyo ambaye naye amewahi kuwa mshauri wa Raisi Mugabe wa masuala ya adhi ambayo aliitoa pale Ethiopia. uchambuzi wa Prof.Moyo ambapo na mimi nilihudhuria. yeye bado yuko Zimbabwe na ndani ya hiyo makala amekiri kuwa kuna udhaifu katika utekelezaji wa land reforms ! alikiri kuwa kamba ilikatika katikati pale wakina Toni Blea waliposita kuendelea kufadhili mpango huo ! huu ni ukweli ! ni kwa nini lakini ? kina Blea waliwahi kusema kuwa Mugabe alikuwa anakula hela za program !! kitu ambacho mimi nakubaliana nacho ! kimsingi Mugabe alikimbilia kuwaachia watu kujigawia ardhi bada ya kugundua kuwa ilikuwa ndio agenda ya MDC kumuuliza wakati wa uchaguzi ! sawa amebakia madarakani – fact ! lakini kajenga au kabomoa ? nilitoka machozi baada ya Mheshimiwa Ben kutoa kile kilichoitwa « chilling speech » katika mkutano wa SADC na kujichukulia ujiko kama shabiki namba moja wa Mugabe !soma hapa hotuba ya Mkapa

President Benjamin Mkapa of Tanzania is an outspoken fan of Mr Mugabe and entertains the curious belief that this dictator is a "champion of democracy". In fact, if he is a "champion" of anything, it is misery, as illustrated by yesterday's figures showing that life expectancy in Zimbabwe has fallen to just 33, compared with 63 in 1988.

Kwanini nilitoka machozi? Alikuja Mzimbabwe mmoja akaniuliza “does honourable Ben Mkapa your president have children?” nikamjibu "yes indeed"! Akaniuliza tena “does he know what suffering might be?” nikamjibu “probably yes” lakini safari hii kwa woga woga nikuendelea kutafakari picha mbili za Ben, kama kiongozi wa Afrika ambapo upande mmoja anapigania maslahi ya mtu mweusi kwa kusite mfano wa Mugabe, lakini kwa wakati huo huo huficha uchafu kwenye kucha zake

Ninawajua wazimbabwe, ninaishi nao! Ninajua jinsi walivyo na mizigo ya kubeba nyumbani walipotoka! Kila mwezi wanakuja ndugu zao kutafuta dawa za mishwaki na bidhaa za matumizi nyumbani!! Ninafanya nao kazi ninawaambia siku moja ninarudi kwetu! Wananiangalia kwa macho ya huruma! Wananiuliza kama ninaweza kuja nao Tanzania! Jirani wao wazambia nao wanacheka chini chini! Eti kwacha imepanda chati – maana kuna wakati kuingia Zimbabwe ilibidi kuwa na visa! Sio sasa tena, hawana jeuri yoyote! – Je ndipo tulitaka kufika huko? Je ndio spirit ya Afrika kuunga mkono mtawala MHARIBIFU at any cost? Kama SA inaunga mkono iweje wao wanafanya land reforms kwa kufuata taratibu na wasifanye kama Mukgabi (serekali ya SA hununua ardhi kwa wakulima wa kizungu walio tayari kuuza na kuwagawia weusi – hata hivyo taarifa za kushangaza ambazo niliziona kwenye TV ni kuwa waliopewa mashamba hayo wameishaanza kukiri kushindwa kuyaendesha, na serekali ikihisi kuwa imekula wa chuya) Mimi nadhani kama nia ni kuona watu wanateseka, dhana ya Africanising the democracy si sahihi ! Hebu tufuatilie habari hii kiundani ili kujua kama wanaohusika na sakata hili la wazimbabwe ni mamisheni tauni wa mjini au raia wengi! Tujue pia Mukgabi anaishije ishije, na ni katika mazingira gani hufanya kazi zake! Kwa uchache wa muda nitaweka machache mengi mtaendelea kutafuta wenyewe! Yako mengi tu tena toka kwa wasema lolote wa MAGAZETI TANDO KAMA SISI – si lazima uende kwa wanaoitwa wasema uwongo CNN au BBC! Teyari ameibatizwa kuwa ni mfalme mugabe ni mfalme

kama Mugabe ni mwana wa Afrika, kwa nini basi ilimpasa kuwa na mali nje ya Afrika ? hii inaonyesha kuwa uwezo wake kuwa na mali nje ulienda sambamba na kufa kwa programu ya kugawa ardhi? Kwanini nasema hivyo? Mara baada ya kuanza operesheni ninayoiita “operesheni rudi ikulu” waheshimiwa wakaseeze asset zake zilizopo ulaya! wamechukua wameweka

Mugabe’s akitumia ndege ya umma kula raha “Air Zimbabwe” alifanya safari zilizoifanya Air Zimbabwe ikodi ndege nyingine na kuiingizia hasara ya zaidi ya ola milioni moja ufujaji kwa jina la raisi. katika nchi yenye njaa (watu milioni 6 wakihitaji msaada wa chakula) watu walichanganyikiwa sana kuona mhishimiwa akirudi na wapendwa wake wakiwa na makontena ya nguo na zawadi!. Mugabe hula raha za namna hii kila mara ughaibuni!

Kama viongozi wengine wa Afrika, amepuliza hela nyingi sana kwenye kujenga usalama wa taifa, kwa sasa CIO inatumia bilioni 3 zaidi! Kwa namna hiyo ameweza kuwavuruga kina Tshivangrai na kutumia mbinu za midani “kuua upinzani” kwenye MDC soma hapalakini watu bado wameshika bango kulikoni?.

Akishauriwa na mshauri wake mchemshaji Mengistu Haile Marimu ambaye ni kinara wa udikteta katika afrika (hajawahi kuwa na historia iliyompatanisha na ubinadamu) alienda kuvuruga vibanda vya watu 700,000 ka kuwaacha hao wakiwa hawana makazi! Watu hawa ilibidi wahamie karibu na penye riziki (kubanana hapo hapo). Mukgabi alikuwa ni mtu wa kwanza na pekee kunyoosha mkono kumkubali Mengistu alipozidiwa nchini kwake! Mengistu ambaye alijiita mwana wa Afrika kupinga ubepari ni Bepari mkubwa tu Zimbabwe akila raha kupitia majasho ya walipa kodi wa Zimbabwe! wasemacho ndicho watendacho?ukienda pale chini utaona stori nyingi tu kuhusu Mugabe! Picha zaidi hapa picha bloguni .

Bila aibu alijifanya kuua soo alipotembelewa na mama Profesa Tibaijuka ambaye ni mwenyekiti wa shirika la makazi la UN (HABITAT). alichokuwa anatamka ni tafauti na kilichokuwa usoni mwake kwani alikuwa anaangalia chini « Kama ni wewe sawa wewe umetumwa na Koffi Annan na sio mjinga Blair ». Kwani hajui kuwa hata Blair yumo ndani ya UN ?

Cha ajabu ni kwamba UN katika jitihadi za kuwanusuru wakazi laki saba wasio na makazi iliwapelekea mahema ! kidume huyu akaja tena akidai kuwa « Wazimbabwe hawaamini katika mahema bali nyumba » na kuutkata msaada ule akili yake iko sawa kweli?

7. Tunapoongelea sasa theluthi tatu ya wazimbabwe ni masikini kupindukia ! lakini utashangaa kuwa chakula cha misaada hutolewa kwa wanachama wa ZANU PF tu wote si ni walewale tu?

Wakati wazimbabwe wakiendelea kuteseka, bwana Mugabe ameendelea kutesa kwenye 82 na akijiita yeye ni kijana katika wazee kijana wa wazee wakati ambapo teyari ameishaanza kupoteza kumbukumbu. Alitoa kali zaidi alipomwita ofisa toka ng’ambo aje ampe kazi mpya na alipomwona ikulu akamuuliza kafuata nini ! ilibidi dada wa watu ajikaushe arudi Australia. Iliwashtua sana mawaziri ! bila aibu aliagiza majuzi kila provinve watu wachange amgalau dola za marekani elfu kumi na tano kwa ajili ya bathidei yake ! na wakati huo huo kuwa mzigo kwa wannchi kupaka rangi nyumba zao wakati hawana chochote ! huyu kawahi kuzaa kweli?

Watu mbali mabli ndani na nje ya Zimbabwe wamuishaanza kumwambia akae kushoto angalau mambo yaende kong'oli hapa . viongozi wa Afrika nao wakamtolea uvivu kuwa anachemsha gonga uonenaye akawajibu kuwa ni wajinga mugabe ajibu na akanukuliwa na mjadala na Tungaraza na akaongeza mnikome ! mnikome mwana wa mwenzenu

Hayo ni yale niliyopata nafasi kuchambua kama nukuu ndani ya siku hii baada ya kuona mjadala kwa bwana Mwandani. Miongoni mwa yasiyoandikwa hapo ni

huwa anaenda benki kuu ta zimbabwe na kuwaamuru wataalamu wacheze na figa kuonyesha kuwa uchumi hauanguki. 2003 Alifanikiwa kushusha inflation toka 600 % hadi 0 % na sasa umerudi pale pale. – sijui kwa faida ya naini ! Tunayo aina hii ya viongozi kila mahali !

alipoona mabo yanakuwa mabaya kimaisha hadi kwa jamaa zake, akanzisha Senate ili waweze kuishi ! tunavyoongea sasa hivi ni kuwa ni wale tu ambao wako kwennye circle yake wanaweza kuishi ! gari likiisha mafuta linasimama hapo hapo !

ugawaji wa mashamba haukuenda kwa walengwa, ilikuwa mbadilishani wa wakubwa weupe kwa wakubwa weusi ! watu wakafukua mabomba ya kumwagilia wakauza kama scrap ! wakachinja ng’ombe za maziwa wakala nyama, wakaendesha matrekta kwenda bar ! je tushabikie hii ilivyotokea kwa kuwa na sisi ilitukuta kama ilivyokuwa azimio la Arusha na kushabikiwa kama kawaida na mheshimiwa Mkapa ?

Fourth, we now hear a lot of stories about Zimbabwe. I am convinced that the root cause of the vilification and demonization of Zimbabwean leaders – and I am sad that some African media echo the line of the Western media – is land. You can agree with me, or you may disagree with me. But, I am convinced that all the “sins” of Zimbabwe would have been easily forgiven if they would not have dared to speedily redress the historical injustices related to land ownership in that country. And if this makes Zimbabwe a “failed state”, we have to ask why. Is Tanzania also a failed state because we want to protect the people’s basic, God-given, asset – Land? Or is it because of how we do this? Is it a question of intent or of methodology? African universities should analyse these issues and create more awareness about them among our youth, especially as to them the indignity and the injustices of colonial rule seem so distant and so unreal.
Je tunapaswa kushabikia maanguko ya wenzetu ili kuonekana sisi tulikuwa sahihi? tangu mwaka 1961 hadi leo ni kwamba Mugabe alikuwa hajajifunza japo toka kwtu? mbona wenzie wameweza?

Je kama utawala wa Mugabe usingekuwa fisadi, ukafanya kazi yake inavyotakiwa kuwa, kugawa ardhi kwa wakati mwafaka, je wasingejikuta wanafuata mode ya Afrika Kusini na kuliko vamia vamia ambayo imeigiza hasara zaidi kupitia “operesheni rudi ikulu?”

Tunavyoongea kwa sasa amechukua wanajeshi wake na kuwapeleka kulima mashamba ili watu wale!!!

Kuna waheshimiwa wakiwa ndani ya chama chake na wafuasi wake waklitunga sheria za kuufagilia utawala wake, e.g. kufungia vyombo vya habari! Mmojawapo ni Prof. Jonathan Moyo. Leo hii analia kwani naye amebanika baada ya kuwa kinyume chake! JAMANI SHERIA NI MSUMENO NA HUWEKWA NA WATU!

SITAONGEZA ZAIDI LAKINI NINADHANI UMEFIKA WAKATI JEMBE LIITWE JEMBE NA SIO LEBESHI! JE TUNATAKA KUFIKIRIA KUWA NA VYOMBO VYA HABARI AMBAVYO HUFICHA MAOVU? SAWA HATA KAMA NI KWA FAIDA YA NANI? – JE WEWE UNGEKUWA NI MWANAZIMBABWE UNGEFANYA NINI? JE TSVANGIRAI NA WENZIE WAKIMBILIE WAPI IKIWA MFALME MUGABE AMEBANA PANDE ZOTE? JE NA SIE TUSHABIKIE KUWA TSIVANGIRAI NI KIBARAKA WA BLAIR HALI TUNAJUA KUWA NI MAZINGIRA YANALAZIMISHA KUWA HIVYO ? NA JE ATAKIMBILIA WAPI IKIWA MIMI NA WEWE TUMEPANDISHA TINTED ZETU HADI JUU?? – JE SISI NI MASHABIKI WA MAANGUKO YA ZIMBABWE NA MATESO WA RAIA ZAKE?? JE TUENDELEE NA DHANA POTOFU YA KUKUMBATIA VIONGOZI WABOVU NA WALIOJAA UBINAFSI KWA KUWA TU TULIWAPATA KWA KUTUMIA MTINDIO WA MKUMBORASIA YA AFRIKA? - JE TUTAFIKA KWELI?
n:b kimsingi kwa kipindi kidogo cha maisha yangu, nimeiona demokrasia ya kweli ikifanya kazi Afrika ya Kusini! labda inaweza kuwa tofauti na nchi nyingi za Afrika! - kesho ni siku ya mapumziko kwa ajili ya uchaguzi wa local goverment!
ALAMSIKI!